Publication:
Assertive secularism in crisis: modernity, democracy, and islam in Turkey

dc.contributor.departmentDepartment of International Relations
dc.contributor.departmentGLODEM (The Center for Research on Globalization, Peace, and Democratic Governance)
dc.contributor.facultymemberYes
dc.contributor.kuauthorKeyman, Emin Fuat
dc.contributor.schoolcollegeinstituteCollege of Administrative Sciences and Economics
dc.contributor.schoolcollegeinstituteResearch Center
dc.date.accessioned2024-11-09T23:11:20Z
dc.date.issued2010
dc.description.abstractSince its state-centric inception in 1923, Turkish secularism has operated in a multiplex fashion, and in doing so has always faced serious legitimacy, representation, and governing problems. Moreover, since the 1980s, and especially the 1990s, it has been subject to challenges and criticisms demanding democratic restructuring through institutional and discursive reform. As Turkish secularism has operated both as constitutive of modernity and as a political project to control the identity claims and demands of religious communities for the recognition of their cultural rights, it has been criticized and challenged as functioning as a restrictive and biased foundation lacking the capacity to develop a common public and religious morality. More precisely, the more the state has become involved in the institutional regulation, funding and administration of existing religious identities and their political, economic, and cultural presence in Turkish modernity, the more it has been confronted by serious challenges and criticisms demanding institutional and discursive reform. As a matter of fact, as José Casanova has correctly pointed out, the project of constructing a strong and state-centric mode of secularism is likely to be vulnerable to criticism and challenge, “because it is too secular for the Islamists, too Sunni for the Alevis, (too Muslim for the non-Muslim minorities) and too Turkish for the Kurds,”1 and moreover “a Turkish state in which the collective identities and interests of these groups cannot find public representation cannot be a truly representative democratic state, even if it is founded on modern secular constitutional principles.”
dc.description.fulltextNo
dc.description.harvestedfromManual
dc.description.indexedbyWOS
dc.description.indexedbyScopus
dc.description.openaccessNO
dc.description.peerreviewstatusN/A
dc.description.publisherscopeInternational
dc.description.readpublishN/A
dc.description.sponsoredbyTubitakEuN/A
dc.description.studentonlypublicationNo
dc.description.studentpublicationNo
dc.description.versionN/A
dc.identifier.WoSQuartileN/A
dc.identifier.doi10.1057/9780230106703
dc.identifier.embargoN/A
dc.identifier.endpage158
dc.identifier.isbn9780230106703
dc.identifier.scopus2-s2.0-84992690732
dc.identifier.startpage143
dc.identifier.urihttps://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14288/9625
dc.identifier.urihttps://10.1057/9780230106703
dc.identifier.wos000292263200010
dc.keywordsReligious identity
dc.keywordsTurkish society
dc.keywordsInternational money fund program
dc.keywordsTurkish economy
dc.keywordsSecular state
dc.language.isoeng
dc.publisherPalgrave
dc.relation.affiliationKoç University
dc.relation.collectionKoç University Institutional Repository
dc.relation.ispartofComparative Secularisms in a Global Age
dc.relation.openaccessN/A
dc.rightsN/A
dc.subjectPolitical science
dc.subjectReligion
dc.titleAssertive secularism in crisis: modernity, democracy, and islam in Turkey
dc.typeBook Chapter
dspace.entity.typePublication
local.contributor.kuauthorKeyman, Emin Fuat
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