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Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14288/3
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Item Metadata only Ethnic mobilization and the type of state birth: why do grievances lead to violent or nonviolent uprisings?(Cambridge University Press, 2023) 0000-0002-3931-7924; Department of International Relations; Akça, Belgin San; Faculty Member; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 107754It has been more than five decades since Ted Robert Gurr asked the question, Why Men Rebel (1970), in the most popular scholarly work of political rebellion and protest. The subsequent research often focused on grievances as the main motivation behind collective mobilization (Collier and Hoeffler 1998; Fearon and Laitin 2003). Yet the questions of how and why grievances lead to group mobilization and violent or nonviolent conflict onset still attract much scholarly attention. Not all groups with grievances engage in violent and/or nonviolent mobilization. Some do. This is the puzzle Manuel Vogt addresses in this theoretically novel and empirically rich book. He focuses on the type of state birth, i.e. colonial settler or decolonized states, as the backbone of several causal paths from grievances to ethnic conflict onset. © The Author(s), 2022. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for the Study of Nationalities.Item Metadata only Europe and Turkey: identities in evolution. An analytical literature review(F1000 Research Ltd, 2023) 0000-0002-9974-5074; Gulmez, Seckin Baris; Topal, Alp Eren; Department of International Relations; Rumelili, Bahar; Faculty Member; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 51356This research aims to offer a valid answer to the question of how Turks and Europeans perceived each other in cultural and identity terms throughout history. With this purpose, it makes a thorough analytical review of the extant scholarly literature on identity relations between Turkey and Europe. There is an evident lack of scholarly attention on the evolution of mutual representations comparatively in the long durée. Most scholarly works focus on specific periods of time and investigate either how Turks view Europe or visa-versa. This systematic review provides the basis for an evolutionary analysis of mutual identity representations between Turkey and Europe over more than a two-hundred-year period. The period under focus starts with the French Revolution (1789) triggering intensive identity debates between Ottomans and Europeans and lasts until mid-2010s when bilateral relations between Turkey and the European Union went into disarray. This long period has been divided into four shorter periods each starting and ending with a remarkable event in world politics or bilateral relations. The study examines each period in relation to four focal issues, namely, nationalism, civilization, status in international society, and state-citizen relations generating intensive identity discussions in both Turkey and Europe. The article first presents the key findings of the relevant literature on European representations of Turkey and on Turkish representations of Europe in the four historical periods. Then it scrutinizes the extant literature on each period with respect to the four focal issues. Overall, the study, through a comprehensive literature review, demonstrates the ways in which mutual identity representations in Turkey and Europe have been contested over a two-hundred-year period. Copyright: © 2023 Gulmez SB et al.Item Metadata only The west versus the rest: the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the crisis of the "post-western" order(Turkish Policy Quarterly, 2022) 0000-0002-0129-2944; Department of International Relations; Öniş, Ziya; Faculty Member; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 7715The Russian invasion of Ukraine intensified the defining conflict of the new age, the conflict between democratic and authoritarian capitalism. The unified Western response to the war highlighted the revitalization of the democratic club of Western states and their allies (G7 plus). Another critical implication of the War has been that a clear divide has emerged between "the West" and "the Rest" in their reactions to the War. The Russian War on Ukraine signals the beginnings of a new phase of the post-Western world, where territorial conquests could be considered the new normal, paving the way for further military confrontations in a conflict-ridden World.Item Metadata only A Critical juncture: Russia, Ukraine and the Global South(Routledge, 2024) 0000-0002-0129-2944; Kutlay, Mustafa; Department of International Relations; Öniş, Ziya; Faculty Member; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 7715Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine constitutes a critical juncture for the trajectory of the liberal-international order. It has undermined the US-led order by widening geopolitical rifts between the West and the Global South, increasing pressure on liberal democracy on a global scale and weakening the neo-liberal economic paradigm that has anchored the economic order since the 1980s. © 2024 The International Institute for Strategic Studies.Item Metadata only “At Least, at the border, i am killing myself by my own will”: migration aspirations and risk perceptions among Syrian and Afghan communities(Routledge Journals, Taylor and Francis Ltd, 2023) 0000-0002-1498-0025; 0000-0002-9426-428X; Department of International Relations; N/A; Önay, Ayşen Ezgi Üstübici; Taşan, Eda Kirişçioğlu; Faculty Member; PhD Student; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; Graduate School of Social Sciences and Humanities; 238439; N/AIt is well-documented that border controls make migration journeys riskier for people on the move. Policymakers construe deaths in migration journeys as resulting from the individual risk-taking attitudes of migrants. However, risks involved in migration journeys are not only related to border control measures. Based on the analysis of 30 semi-structured interviews conducted with Syrian and Afghan migrants in Turkey, we embrace a social constructionist approach to unpack how migrants form their aspirations based on their risk perceptions. Our findings explain why some migrants would still move onwards despite violent borders while others stay or search for "safer" ways for onward migration.Item Metadata only Party competition and electoral reforms: why do governments initiate a reform?(Routledge Journals; Taylor and Francis Ltd, 2023) 0000-0001-8853-2156; Department of International Relations; Ekinci, Esra İşsever; Other; College of Administrative Sciences and EconomicsMost accounts of electoral reforms focus on successfully implemented reforms to explain how electoral context shapes the incentives of political parties, paying scant attention to the cases where governments fail to implement their preferred system. This article takes a step back in the electoral reform process and examines when and why governing parties initiate electoral reforms. In doing so, it focuses on how the electoral context can affect the electoral bases of the incumbents and their main competitor. This novel account expects that governments initiate electoral reforms depending on whether small or new parties draw votes from their own vote base or from that of their main competitor. Using an original dataset of electoral reform attempts from 32 parliamentary democracies between 1945 and 2015, this article shows that ruling parties are more likely to initiate a restrictive reform when small parties draw votes from their electoral base, but a permissive one when small parties draw more votes from their main competitor.Item Metadata only Exploring temporal and topical dynamics of research on climate/environment-migration nexus: a critical comparative perspective(Oxford Univ Press, 2023) 0000-0002-8145-5888; 0000-0001-5513-7256; Department of International Relations; N/A; İçduygu, Ahmet; Gören Hacer; Faculty Member; PhD Student; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; Graduate School of Social Sciences and Humanities; 207882; N/AResearch on climate/environmental change and human migration have undergone significant transformations since the early 1990s. Attention by migration-related journals and environment/climate-oriented journals has been uneven. What is absent is a critical comparative approach to this unevenness and the evolving dynamics of the nexus in a continuum. We conducted a critical comparative analysis of six scholarly journals to fill this gap. Based on multi-stage mixed methods, our findings suggest: (1) scholarly research has disproportionately focused on the impacts of X (climate/environmental change effects) on Y (human migration), vulnerabilities, and agency of moving people and broader social and political processes receiving less attention; (2) Compared with migration-related journals, climate/environment-oriented journals have contributed more to research on the climate/environment-migration nexus, with significant differences in their approach and topical selections; (3) 'Migration as an adaptation strategy to climate change' as a theme has shown an unprecedented rise since 2010, with most articles having a skewed emphasis on migration as an individual and unplanned form of adaptation rather than that of planned adaptation; (4) Research on the climate/environment-migration nexus has recently entered the early maturation period, which approximates research into mainstream migration studies. Consequently, we divide the research's last three decades into three stages: prognostic period (early 1990s to early 2000s), transitionary period (early 2000s to 2010), and growth period (2010-present). We suggest that both journal groups embrace more inclusive and diverse foci on different scales.Item Metadata only The economic limits of empathy? Analysing variation in the attitudes of oppressed minority groups towards refugees(Routledge, 2023) 0000-0002-8145-5888; Turkoglu, Oguzhan; Canavan, Miceal; Department of International Relations; İçduygu, Ahmet; Faculty Member; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 207882How do group characteristics differentially moderate attitudes towards refugees on humanitarian, sociocultural, and economic issues? Building on recent research on group empathy and perspective-taking, we argue that oppressed minority groups will display more positive attitudes towards refugees than dominant majority groups due to empathy triggered by a shared experience of oppression. However, there are economic limits of empathy. Specifically, the empathetic response will not extend to attitudes regarding the economic impact of refugees due to the perceived zero-sum nature of economic competition. Analysis of granular data in Turkey supports the argument, with Kurds (i.e. oppressed group) displaying more positive attitudes on sociocultural and humanitarian issues but not economic. The generalisability of this argument is underscored by a similar analysis of European Social Survey data from 37 countries. The results highlight the importance of group characteristics in understanding attitudes towards refugees, particularly how views vary across groups and topics. © 2022 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.Item Metadata only A cognitive network perspective for public administration and policy(Wiley, 2023) 0000-0002-7997-6748; Siciliano, Michael D.; Department of International Relations; Ertan, Güneş; Faculty Member; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 219276This article introduces the concept of cognitive social structures to public administration and policy scholars. Cognitive social structures are the perceptions, or mental maps, actors hold of the relationships that exist among the members of their network. These perceptions and their accuracy have implications for actor behavior, decisions, and outcomes. The literature on network cognitions has developed in the fields of psychology and organization studies but has yet to be applied in public administration and policy. We provide an overview of cognitive social structure research. We then demonstrate the theoretical and practical implications cognitive social structures hold for our field by examining applications in two research areas-implementation and leadership. We argue that using a network cognition perspective can help researchers and practitioners to better explain and pursue important organizational and interorganizational phenomena. We hope this article fosters new dialogue on the role of network cognitions in public administration and policy.Item Metadata only Anatomy of an urban mobilization network(Elsevier Sci Ltd, 2023) 0000-0002-7997-6748; Department of International Relations; Ertan, Güneş; Faculty Member; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 219276How can urban mobilizations move their cities towards democratic and sustainable governance structures? This question has been under discussion in theoretical urban studies since the 1980s. According to these studies, networks of successful urban mobilizations consist of (1) densely connected specialized groups of urban organizations and (2) bridging ties between these local groups. The bridging ties are essential for the emergence of place-based collective identities and pushing urban organizations beyond the confines of their local agendas to become agents of meaningful social change at a larger scale. In this study we test and advance these arguments empirically using theoretical and methodological tools from the field of network science. We use a novel urban protest event data set based on police records and local newspapers from Ankara, Turkey. Our analyses show that the observed network consists of specialized urban groups that are densely connected with each other but the number of bridging ties between these groups are insufficient. Using network regression, we illustrate that most organizations in the network tend to form ties with organizations that have similar characteristics to themselves. Further analysis of the urban mobilization network reveals that the limited number of organizations that facilitate the bridging ties between specialized sub-groups are mostly professional organizations (e.g., the Chamber of Architects). We explain the distinctive attributes of these organizations based on the political context of their historical origins and the characteristics of their membership base. Our paper concludes with some policy recommendations emphasizing the necessity of networked approaches when evaluating urban organizations' capacity for social change.