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Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14288/3
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Publication Metadata only The small, the big, and the ugly: persistent challenges of thinking about lviv's Ukrainization(Cambridge University Press (CUP), 2020) Department of History; Amar, Tarık Youssef Cyril; Other; Department of History; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; 294014Publication Metadata only Great catastrophe: Armenians and Turks in the shadow of genocide(Cambridge Univ Press, 2018) Department of History; Polatel, Mehmet; Researcher; Department of History; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; N/APublication Metadata only Did he really do it? Mirsaid Sultan-Galiev, party disloyalty, and the 1923 affair(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2014) Department of History; Baker, Mark R.; Faculty Member; Department of History; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; N/AThe article uses a variety of documents, published and unpublished, to explore the 1923 arrest, interrogation and 'trial' of Mirsaid Sultan-Galiev, often considered the Bolsheviks' leading expert on Muslim affairs in the early Soviet period. Contrary to the historiography on this crucial moment in the development of Soviet nationality policy, I argue that Sultan-Galiev was not Stalin's 'first victim'. Rather, responding to the vagaries of Soviet nationality policy, he did indeed violate party discipline in a number of ways, and was engaged in developing conspiratorial ties outside of the party. In fact, the party leaders, and Stalin in particular, treated him less severely than they could have.Publication Metadata only The transnational formation of imperial rule on the margins of Europe: 1 British Cyprus and the Italian Dodecanese in the Interwar Period(Sage Publications Ltd, 2015) N/A; Department of History; Rappas, Alexis; Faculty Member; Department of History; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; 50773This article records and offers to interpret a parallel hardening of British and Italian colonial governances in the Eastern Mediterranean in the interwar period. It focuses on the cases of the Dodecanese, an Italian 'Possedimento' since 1912, and Cyprus, a British dependency since 1878, lying on the geographical and cultural margins of, and the border between, these two colonial empires. Building on the recurrent cross-references between British and Italian colonial systems in British, Italian and Greek archives, official and unofficial, this article highlights the circulation of administrative ideas and practices across imperial boundaries. It suggests that British and Italian authorities saw in enosis, or the union with Greece advocated by the Orthodox majorities under their rule, an opportunity to implement an authoritarian form of governance potentially transposable to other Mediterranean settings. Engaging with current debates on inter-imperial transfers, this article enquires into colonial policymaking as the outcome of a mutually productive exchange across territorial frontiers and assumed ideological differences.Publication Metadata only Reform or cataclysm? the agreement of 8 February 1914 regarding the ottoman eastern provinces(Taylor & Francis, 2015) Kieser, Hans-Lukas; Polatel, Mehmet; Schmutz, Thomas; Department of History; Polatel, Mehmet; Researcher; Department of History; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; N/AOn 8 February 1914, Ottoman Grand Vizier Said Halim and the Russian charge d'affaires Konstantin Gulkevich signed a reform project for seven Ottoman eastern provinces that covered roughly half of Asia Minor. This international Reform Agreement differed considerably from a first Russian draft the year before. Though little known by most World War I historians in the West, this agreement was a central but fragile piece for the future of Ottoman coexistence in egalitarian terms in Asia Minor on the eve of World War I. Often called 'Armenian Reforms', it was also a last seminal, more or less consensual project of European diplomacy before the latter's breakdown in the July crisis of 1914. Important Ottoman and non-Ottoman protagonists then chose the road towards cataclysm instead of efforts for Ottoman coexistence, reform and international consensus building. The cataclysm of greater Europe in World War I produced various seminal outcomes. One main result in the Levant was a Turkish nation-state in Asia Minor that excluded Asia Minor's Christians and tried to assimilate non-Turkish Muslims, above all Kurds, into 'Turkdom'. This article argues that the agreement of 1914 had opened for a short time a completely different perspective and that it played a crucial role on the road that led to genocide in spring 1915. Its postulates are still topical.Publication Metadata only Constructing plural solidarities(Sur - Rede Universitaria de Direitos Humanos, 2016) N/A; Department of History; Department of International Relations; Karaman, Semanur; Undergraduate Student; Department of History; Department of International Relations; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/AReflecting on two recent initiatives from the Association for Women's Rights in Development (AWID) - the #PracticeSolidarity campaign and the 13th International AWID Forum held in Brazil in September 2016 - Semanur Karaman considers the elements in creating plural solidarities for women, trans* and intersex activisms and struggles. Through drawing on her own experience and that of her fellow activists, she notes firstly the importance of viewing the issue through the lens of intersectionality. She goes on to describe how solidarities can be created and stresses the importance of tailor made approaches as well as the requirement for trust, openness and creativity. Semanur does not shy away from setting out the tensions that can be involved in this process - for example the sense of unfairness which can manifest or the fact that solidarity is not evenly distributed across the struggles and movements. Drawing on inspirational examples throughout, Semanur concludes by emphasising that solidarities must be wellbeing-centered and accessible to all women, trans* and intersex activists regardless of language, socio- economic factors or other obstacles.Publication Metadata only Ataturk's navy: determinants of Turkish naval policy, 1923-38(Frank Cass Co Ltd, 2003) Guvenc, S; Department of History; Barlas, Dilek; Faculty Member; Department of History; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; 4172Turkish naval policy between the establishment of the Turkish Republic and the Second World War was influenced by a set of institutional, domestic and international factors. Until the mid-1930s domestic political rivalry and Turkish military culture relegated the navy to a secondary role in support of the army for territorial defence. Because of the new republic's international isolation, naval policy was shaped largely in a diplomatic vacuum. Ankara gradually tried to take advantage of emerging great power rivalries in Europe to secure affordably priced naval arms. In the process, politically unsatisfied powers such as Germany and Italy figured prominently as suppliers of naval arms to Turkey. After 1934 changing international political and economic conditions weighed more heavily than domestic factors in setting the parameters of Turkish naval policy. The armaments programme adopted in 1934 provided for naval expansion to counter the Italian threat in the Aegean. This shift of emphasis is in naval policy also reflected Turkey's changing international status from an 'outcast' to a pro-status quo power. However, the coming of the Second World War denied Turkey the chance to build the fleet envisaged under its new naval programme.Publication Metadata only Transnational networks and kin states: the Turkish minority in Bulgaria, 1878-1940(Taylor & Francis, 2010) N/A; Department of History; Köksal, Yonca; Faculty Member; Department of History; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; 53333This paper focuses on the development of national identity and the formation of political organizations in the Turkish minority in the early years of the formation of the Bulgarian state from 1878 to the 1940s. It studies transnational aspects of nationalism, which is usually considered territorially bounded, by studying the impact of connections between the Turkish minority and the Ottoman Empire and later with Turkey. In addition to studying inter-state relations and their reflection in the legal and political sphere, this paper studies the flow of ideas across borders, transnational networks among political activists, and the resulting cleavage formation. Findings show that transnational connections and actors played dual roles. The circulation of political activists, contributed to the formation of national organizations which played a crucial role in (re) formulating national identity. Transnational connections increased political activity in the name of the Turkish minority. Through these organizations the community was able to make collective demands from the Bulgarian state. However, transnational connections carried debates and divisions in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey to the Turkish minority in Bulgaria. By dividing the community, they decreased the capacity for collective action.