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Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14288/3

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    Politicization, ratification of international agreements, and domestic political competition in non-democracies: the case of Iran and the Paris Climate Accords
    (International Relations Council of Turkey, 2024) Department of International Relations; Bayer, Reşat; Tafazzoli, Bijan; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; Graduate School of Social Sciences and Economics
    While some degree of competition is present in many authoritarian regimes, the implications of such controlled competition on international issues have not received much consideration, including towards international environmental accords. We attempt to rectify this through a framework where we focus on internal political competition in a hybrid, nondemocratic system where national elections are held regularly. Specifically, we argue that the presence of multiple actors competing in elections in nondemocratic settings results in them assuming positions on various issues, justifying their positions, and attempting to mobilize their supporters with considerable implications for international environmental policies. We display our argument in the context of Iranian debates on the ratification of the Paris Climate Accords. Our findings demonstrate that the competing Iranian sides rely on different justifications for their environmental positions, resulting in extensive (negative) competitions of rhetoric where the international dimension emerges as an important feature in the internal competition. Overall, we show that political competition within non-democracies is likely to add to the complexity of international (environmental) negotiations and cooperation. © 2024, INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. All rights reserved.
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    Coming to terms with the capitalist peace
    (Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2010) N/A; Department of International Relations; Mousseau, Michael; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/A
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    IMF: international migration fund
    (Taylor & Francis, 2023) Shehaj, Albana; Shin, Adrian J. J.; Department of International Relations; Angın, Merih; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 308500
    Existing models of international organizations focus on the strategic and commercial interests of major shareholders to explain why some countries secure better deals from international organizations. Focusing on the International Monetary Fund (IMF), we argue that the Fund's major shareholders pressure the IMF to minimize short-term adjustment costs in the borrowing country when they host a large number of the country's nationals. Stringent loan packages often exacerbate short-term economic distress in the borrowing country, which in turn causes more people to migrate to countries where their co-ethnics reside. Analyzing all IMF programs from 1978 to 2014, we assess our hypothesis that IMF borrowers with larger diasporas in the major IMF shareholder countries tend to secure better arrangements from the IMF. Our findings show that when migration pressures on the G5 countries increase, borrowing countries receive larger loan disbursements and fewer conditions.Los modelos existentes de organizaciones internacionales se centran en los intereses estrategicos y comerciales de los principales accionistas para explicar por que algunos paises obtienen mejores tratos por parte de las organizaciones internacionales. Centrandonos en el Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI), argumentamos que los principales accionistas del Fondo presionan al FMI para que minimice los costes de ajuste a corto plazo en el pais prestatario cuando acogen a un gran numero de ciudadanos de ese pais. Los severos paquetes de prestamos suelen exacerbar las dificultades economicas a corto plazo en el pais prestatario, lo que a su vez provoca que mas personas emigren a paises donde residen otros de sus compatriotas. Analizando todos los programas del FMI desde 1978 hasta 2014, evaluamos nuestra hipotesis de que los prestatarios del FMI con mayores diasporas en los principales paises accionistas del FMI tienden a obtener mejores acuerdos por parte del FMI. Nuestras conclusiones muestran que cuando aumentan las presiones migratorias en los paises del G5, los paises prestatarios reciben mayores desembolsos de prestamos y con menos condiciones.Les modeles actuels d'organisations internationales se focalisent sur les interets strategiques et commerciaux des actionnaires majoritaires pour expliquer pourquoi certains pays obtiennent de meilleurs accords aupres des organisations internationales. En nous concentrant sur le Fonds monetaire international (FMI), nous affirmons que ses actionnaires majoritaires appliquent une certaine pression pour reduire les couts d'ajustement a court terme du pays emprunteur, quand un grand nombre de ressortissants de ce pays vit chez eux. Les prets aux conditions strictes aggravent souvent la detresse economique a court terme dans le pays emprunteur. Cette situation renforce ensuite frequemment l'immigration vers les pays ou des compatriotes resident. Apres l'analyse de tous les programmes du FMI de 1978 a 2014, nous evaluons notre hypothese : quand les emprunteurs disposent d'une diaspora plus importante dans les pays actionnaires majoritaires du fonds, ils obtiennent de meilleurs accords aupres du FMI. Nos resultats montrent que lorsque la pression migratoire sur les pays du G5 s'accroit, les pays emprunteurs recoivent des versements de pret plus importants et sont soumis a moins de conditions.
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    Globalization, modernity and democracy: in search of a viable domestic polity for a sustainable Turkish foreign policy
    (Cambridge Univ Press, 2009) Department of International Relations; Keyman, Emin Fuat; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 45389
    in recent years. Turkey has initiated a proactive, multi-dimensional and constructive foreign policy in many areas, ranging front contributing to peace and stability in the Middle East, to playing an active role in countering terrorism and extremism, from becoming a new "energy hub" to acting as one of the architects of "the inter-civilization dialogue initiative" aiming at producing a vision of the world, based on dialogue, tolerance and living together. Thus, there has been an upsurge of interest in, and a global attraction to, Turkey and its contemporary history. Moreover, the global attraction to Turkey has stemmed not only from the geopolitical identity of Turkey, As a strong state with the capacity to function as a "geopolitical security hinged' in the intersection of the Middle East, the Balkans and the Caucasian regions, but also from its cultural identity as a modern national formation with parliamentary democratic governance, secular constitutional structure and mainly Muslim population. Furthermore, As the world has become more globalized, more interdependent and more risky, this new foreign policy identity entailed the employment of not only geopolitics but also identity and economy. Thus, geopolitics, modernity and democracy have become the constitutive dimensions of Turkish foreign policy today This paper explores the ways in which the increasing role and visibility of "soft power" in Turkish foreign policy operates, and suggests that to be sustainable, Turkish foreign policy, relying on soft power, should go hand in hand with the process of the consolidation of Turkish democracy, and also accept and put into practice Turkey-EU relations as the main axis of proactiveness and constructiveness.
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    Enacting multi-layered citizenship: Turkey's Armenians' struggle for justice and equality
    (Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2016) Keyman, Fuat; Department of International Relations; Rumelili, Bahar; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 51356
    Throughout the history of the Turkish Republic, Turkey's Armenians have been subjected to a trade-off between the limited minority rights granted by the 1923 Lausanne Treaty and equal national citizenship. Traditionally a closed, depoliticized community, the citizenship practices of the Armenian minority have become increasingly differentiated in recent years. Building on a notion of citizenship as multi-layered and constituted through collective practice, this article investigates the implications of the political acts of Turkey's Armenian minority on sub-national and national citizenship in Turkey. We show that Turkey's Armenians are coupling rights demands, identification, normative references, and mobilization at the sub-national, national, and transnational levels in innovative ways, and are thereby negotiating different layers of citizenship in Turkey in a way that strengthens equal national citizenship.
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    Muslim nationalism and the new Turks
    (Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2013) N/A; Department of International Relations; Hale, William; Other; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/A
    A review of Jenny White, Muslim Nationalism and the New Turks (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012), a book that provides important insights into the shifting and truly revolutionary aspects of contemporary Turkish national identity discourse, and what these may mean for the future of the country as it continues to grapple with multiple poles of attraction both geographically and culturally.
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    What does comparative policy analysis have to do with the structure, institution and agency debate?
    (Taylor and Francis Ltd, 2022) Department of International Relations; Bakır, Caner; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 108141
    A growing number of political and policy scientists have utilized institutional theory to explain how the purposeful actions of agents shape and are shaped by structural, institutional, and agential factors. Most current studies, however, have conflated and/or combined the fundamental concepts of structure, institution, and actor, overlooking how their interactions shape policy and institutional outcomes. Furthermore, such research lacks an approach that allows a more comprehensive means to integrate the various dimensions of such interactions. By studying these distinct but interdependent causal factors through an integrative approach, we provide a richer, more comprehensive understanding of contingent conditions, agency, and outcomes.
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    [Our] age of anxiety: existentialism and the current state of international relations
    (Palgrave Macmillan Ltd, 2021) Department of International Relations; Rumelili, Bahar; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 51356
    This article is based on the keynote address I delivered in June 2019 at the Central and Eastern European international Studies association (CEEISa) conference in Belgrade. Drawing on existentialist thought, I first discuss the distinction between anxiety and fear and the relevance of this distinction for International relation (IR) theory. then, building on the Heideggerian notion of mood and its recent applications to IR by Erik Ringmar (2017, 2018), I argue that anxiety impacts International relation as a public mood-'a collective way of being attuned to the world'. Connecting existentialist thought on anxiety with contemporary IR and Political science research on securitisation and populism, I discuss how, in periods and contexts where we are collectively attuned to the world in anxiety, the resonance of securitisation and the appeal of nativist and populist doctrines that offer ideological and moral certainty are enhanced.
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    An economic limitation to the zone of democratic peace and cooperation
    (Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2002) N/A; Department of International Relations; Mousseau, Michael; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/A
    The zone of democratic peace and cooperation is the premier nontrivial fact of international relations. Recent research, however, has shown that the democratic peace is substantially limited to the economically developed democracies (Mousseau, 2000). Is the zone of democratic cooperation also limited to the economically developed democracies? With the observation of most nations from 1919 to 1992, robust support is found for this hypothesis. It appears that economically developed democracies are more than eight times more likely than other states to engage each other in an intense form of interstate cooperation: collaboration in militarized conflict. Democracies with per capita incomes of less than $8,050, in contrast-77 percent of all joint democratic dyads-appear less likely than other types of states to collaborate with each other in militarized conflict. This result is consistent with the view that liberal political culture arises from economic development, and it is liberal political culture that explains the global zone of democracy, peace, prosperity, and interstate cooperation.
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    Emerging market crises and the IMF: rethinking the role of the imf in light of Turkey's 2000-2001 financial crisis
    (Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2003) Alper, C. Emre; Department of International Relations; Öniş, Ziya; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 7715
    Recurring financial crises in the semi-periphery of the international economic system have raised serious questions concerning the role of the IMF in the era of financial globalization, particularly in the aftermath of the Asian Crisis of 1997. This paper attempts to provide a critical and, at the same time, balanced perspective on the Fund's involvement in crisis-ridden emerging markets, with special reference to the recent Turkish experience. The analysis points towards both the limitations underlying the Fund's approach and some of the dilemmas faced by the organization in trying to reform the economies of debtor countries, given the nature of the domestic political environment in those countries. It is also argued that the kinds of reforms promoted by the Fund are incomplete, insofar as they focus only on the regulatory role of the state, neglecting issues relating to income distribution and longer-term development. Two key conclusions follow: firstly, crisis-ridden countries need to develop a domestic political base to "internalize" the kind of reforms sponsored by the IMF, which are necessary to enable these countries to benefit from the process of globalization. Secondly, the countries concerned need to extend their horizons and develop their domestic capacities in areas such as income distribution and longer-term competitiveness, areas not traditionally emphasized by the Fund. / Les crises financières répétitives dans la semi-périphérie ont soulevé de graves interrogations quant au rôle du FMI dans une ère de globalization financèhe, en particulier au lendemain de la crise asiatique de 1997. Cet article tente d'offrir une perspective critique mais équilibrée de la participation du FMI dans les marchés émergents en crise, à la lumière de la récente expérience turque. L'analyse fait ressortir non seulement les limites de l'approche du FMI, mais aussi certains dilemmes inhérents à la tentative de réformer les économies des pays débiteurs, vu la nature de leur climat politique intérieur. On soutient que les réformes favorisées par le FMI sont nécessairement incomplètes parce qu'elles se concentrent uniquement sur le rôle de régulation de l'État mais en négligent d'autres comme la répartition du revenu et le développement à long terme. Deux grandes conclusions en découlent. Premièrement, les pays en crise doivent développer une base politique nationale pour « adopter de l'intérieur » le genre de réformes parrainées par le FMI, qui sont importantes parce qu'elles permettent de tirer parti du processus de globalisation. Deuxièmement, les pays visés doivent élargir leurs horizons et développer leurs capacités nationales dans des domaines tels que la répartition du revenu et la compétitivité à long terme, domaines dont le FMI fait habituellement peu de cas.