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Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14288/3

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    Explaining NATO enlargement: international relations theories and the dynamics of domestics politics in Russia and the United States
    (Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği, 2012) Department of International Relations; Aktürk, Şener; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 110043
    This article focuses on NATO's expansion after the Cold War. Neorealist, neol constructivist approaches and their failures in explaining the causes of NATO's are highlighted, lhe timing and the nature of NATO's expansion are much bette by the concatenation of specific domestic political dynamics in the United States a In the United States, the rise of the Republicans who captured the Congress in 199 presidency in 2000 provided the impetus for NATO's expansion, along with the of what the current author calls the "East European Lobby" in U.S. politics. In strength of the Communists and the ultranationalists in the Duma, and the rise of t cadres with a military- security background, to positions of executive power, was importance in the polarization of Russian- American relations, which motivate NATO expansions. / Bu makale Soğuk Savaş sonrasında NATO'nun genişlemesine odaklanıyor. Yeni Gerçekçi, Yeni Liberal ve inşacı yaklaşımların, NATO'nun genişlemesinin sebeplerini açıklamadaki başarısızlıkları vurgulanıyor. NATO'nun genişlemesinin zamanlamasını ve mahiyetini, ABD ve Rusya'nın iç siyasal dinamiklerinin çakışması çok daha iyi açıklıyor. ABD'de, 1994'te Kongreyi ve 2000 yılında başkanlığı ele geçiren Cumhuriyetçilerin yükselişi ve yazarın Amerikan siyasetindeki "Doğu Avrupa Lobisi"olarak adlandırdığı zümrenin etkisi, NATO'nun genişlemesinin iç siyasal sebebini oluşturdu. Rusya'da, Komünisderin ve aşırı milliyetçilerin Duma'daki gücü ve siloviki olarak adlandırılan asker ve güvenlik kökenli kadroların yürütme erkinde yükselişi, Rus-Amerikan ilişkilerinin kutuplaşmasında belirleyici rol oynayarak NATO'nun daha fazla genişlemesini tetikledi.
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    September 11, 1683: myth of a Christian Europe and the massacre in Norway
    (Seta Foundation, 2012) Department of International Relations; Aktürk, Şener; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 110043
    This essay critically approaches the impact of September 11, 2001 attacks in galvanizing the myth of a Christian Europe, a myth that provided the ideological justification for the recent massacre in Norway. The myth making around the failed Ottoman siege of Vienna in 1683, an event that provided the inspiration for Anders Breivik's fifteen hundred pages long anti-Muslim manifesto, 2083: A European Declaration of Independence, comes under scrutiny. The author argues that Europe has been, not only a Christian, but also a Jewish and Muslim continent for many centuries, using examples from the centuries-old history of Islamic civilization in France, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Poland, and Spain, among other European countries. The author draws attention not only to the total annihilation of historical Muslim communities in places such as Sicily and Spain, but also to the nearly total eradication of Islamic religious heritage and architecture in these countries.
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    At the gates of Europe
    (Royal Institute International Affairs, 2003) N/A; Department of International Relations; Yılmaz, Şuhnaz Özbağcı; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 46805
    Elation and disappointment are the moods of the moment in Turkey. Elation at the clearing of the political decks and the choice of a government committed to change. Disappointment at its reversal in the headlong rush to negotiate an early date for entry talks to the European Union.
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    Inside job: migration and distributive politics in the European Union
    (Wiley, 2021) Shehaj, Albana; Shin, Adrian J.; Department of International Relations; Angın, Merih; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 308500
    Migration has become a top policy priority of the European Union (EU) in the wake of the 2015 migrant crisis. Given the significant ramifications of non-European immigration for its member states, the EU has implemented a variety of policies to minimize popular backlashes within the borders of its wealthiest member states, which are also popular final destinations for migrants. In this article, we show that the EU offers financial incentives to its migrant-transit mem-ber countries in exchange for holding migrants traveling from the Middle East and North Africa region within their territories. We use a subnational dataset on Southern Italy to examine the effects of migrant arrivals by boat on the amount of the European Regional Development Fund and the European Social Fund received by each autonomous region between 2006 and 2018. In addition, we provide a cross-national analysis of EU expenditures using data on unauthorized border crossings into the EU between 2009 and 2018. We find robust empirical support for the argu-ment that the EU channels more funds to jurisdictions lo-cated on the major migrant-transit routes.
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    Turkey's 2011 general elections: towards a dominant party system?
    (Seta Foundation, 2011) Department of International Relations; Çarkoğlu, Ali; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 125588
    Since 2002, the Turkish electoral environment and the party system have been undergoing a significant transformation. The Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP) has continued to increase its electoral support for a third time in a row. The declining volatility and fractionalization in the election results together with the expanding geographical base of AKP electoral support may be taken as signs of the emergence of a dominant party system in Turkey. This article offers a descriptive account of the election results and links those results to the literature on the dominant party system. A discussion on the implications of this new development for the evolution of Turkish party system, Turkish political landscape and future elections concludes the article.
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    The feasibility of IFI-Led institutional reform: four Turkish experiments compared
    (Wiley, 2012) Department of International Relations; Güven, Ali Burak; Researcher; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/A
    institutional reform has proved an enduring theme in the lending programmes of international financial institutions (IFIs) such as the IMF and the World Bank. But research harbours strong objections to the feasibility of IFI-led institutional restructuring. This article evaluates these objections in the light of evidence from Turkey, A country with an early record of programme-based reform initiatives in many institutional domains. Drawing on Turkey's central bank independence, banking regulation, Anti-corruption and agricultural subsidy reforms, it argues that IFI-guided institutional restructuring may indeed encounter severe feasibility problems unless prescribed and implemented in a propitious environment marked by powerful international norms, widely accepted design templates, high levels of bureaucratic preparedness, and active endorsement from key domestic players.
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    Crises and transformations in Turkish political economy
    (Turkish Policy Quarterly, 2010) N/A; Department of International Relations; Öniş, Ziya; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 7715
    This paper attempts to provide a general framework to understand the broad features of Turkish political economy by focusing on key crises and their political and economic consequences. attention is drawn to the transformative impact of the major crises in terms of both shifts in the broad thrust of economic policies and the nature of Turkish private sector development. the paper concludes by underlining the importance of democratic consolidation as a means of overcoming the cyclical nature of economic growth experienced so far, with its far-reaching and costly political and human consequences.
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    Globalization, international relations and hegemony
    (International Relations Council of Turkey (IRCT) / Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği, 2006) Department of International Relations; Keyman, Emin Fuat; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 45389
    Since its inception in 1648 Westphalian Treaty, modern international relations have contained both continuity and change. Today, there is a need to analyze both continuities and changes that have occurred in the course of the development of international relations, in order to better understand the main characteristics of world politics. In this article, I have attempted to provide the reader with a brief historical and thematic analysis of the international system. In doing so, my aim was to demonstrate that the relationship between modernity and hegemony has been one of the constitutive elements of modern international relations. In other words, it is possible, also useful, to read the modern history of international relations as a history of hegemony.
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    A new paradigm on the identity-security nexus in international relations: ontological security theory
    (Uluslararasi Iliskiler Konseyi Dernegi, 2020) Adısönmez, Umut Can; Department of International Relations; Rumelili, Bahar; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 51356
    Recently, Ontological Security Theory (OST) has found itself a significant place in the International Relations (IR) literature. The theory has provided scholars with a novel analytical framework to explain state behavior and to understand the socio-psychological dynamics underlying the production of a state's self-image and self-narratives. Particularly, the OST has unsettled disciplinary assumptions regarding the primacy of physical security, and offered a framework to analyze the dialectical relationship between state and society in the making, (re)making and protecting of the state's subjective sense of self. The primary aim of this article is to introduce the main arguments and research areas to Turkey's IR community. Additionally, the drawbacks that emanate from the OST's insufficient engagement with critical approaches to security and the extant literature on identity in IR are assessed. / Geçtiğimiz yıllarda Ontolojik Güvenlik Teorisi (Ontological Security Theory – OGT) Uluslararası İlişkiler (Uİ) disiplininde kendine önemli bir yer edindi. Teori, devlet davranışlarını devletin öz-anlatıları üzerinden anlamlandırırken, bu öz-anlatıların yeniden üretilmesinin altında yatan sosyo-psikolojik dinamikleri de ortaya koydu. Özellikle, fiziksel güvenliğin öncüllüğünü tartışmaya açarak ve öz-anlatılar yoluyla devlet kimliğinin oluşması ve korunması süreçlerinde devlet-toplum arasındaki diyalektik ilişkiyi ortaya koyarak önemli katkıları oldu. Bu makalenin birincil amacı OGT’nin ana argümanlarını ve araştırma konularını Türkiye Uİ camiasına tanıtmaktır. Aynı zamanda OGT’nin mevcut eleştirel güvenlik kavramları ve kimlik yazını ile bağlantısının yetersizliğinden kaynaklanan eksiklikleri değerlendirilmektedir.
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    The global economic crisis and the future of neoliberal globalization: rupture versus continuity
    (Brill academic Publishers, 2011) N/A; Department of International Relations; Department of International Relations; Öniş, Ziya; Güven, Ali Burak; Faculty Member; Researcher; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 7715; N/A
    This article outlines the main elements of rupture and continuity in the global political economy since the global economic crisis of 2008-2009. While the current calamity poses a more systemic challenge to neoliberal globalization than genetically similar turbulences in the semi-periphery during the 1990s, we find that evidence for its transformative significance remains mixed. Efforts to reform the distressed capitalist models in the North encounter severe resistance, and the broadened multilateralism of the Group of 20 is yet to provide effective global economic governance. Overall, neoliberal globalization looks set to survive, but in a more heterodox and multipolar fashion. Without tighter coordination between old and emerging powers, this new synthesis is unlikely to inspire lasting solutions to pressing global problems such as an unsustainable international financial architecture and the pending environmental catastrophe and may even fail to preserve some modest democratic and developmental gains of the recent past.