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Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14288/3

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    Large-n analysis in the study of conflict
    (Center Foreign Policy & Peace Research, 2019) Department of International Relations; Akça, Belgin San; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 107754
    In this paper; I examine the generation and use of large-N datasets and issues related to operationalization and measurement in the quantitative study of inter-state and infra-state conflict. Specifically, I critically evaluate the work on transnational dimensions of internal conflict and talk about my own journey related to my research on interactions between states and nonstate armed groups. I address the gaps in existing research, the use of proxy measures in large-N data analysis, and talk in detail about observational data collection and coding. I argue that future research should bridge the gap between studies of conflict across the fields of Comparative Politics and International relations. I make suggestions laying the standards of academic scholarship in collecting data and increasing transparency in research.
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    Coming to terms with the capitalist peace
    (Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2010) N/A; Department of International Relations; Mousseau, Michael; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/A
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    IMF: international migration fund
    (Taylor & Francis, 2023) Shehaj, Albana; Shin, Adrian J. J.; Department of International Relations; Angın, Merih; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 308500
    Existing models of international organizations focus on the strategic and commercial interests of major shareholders to explain why some countries secure better deals from international organizations. Focusing on the International Monetary Fund (IMF), we argue that the Fund's major shareholders pressure the IMF to minimize short-term adjustment costs in the borrowing country when they host a large number of the country's nationals. Stringent loan packages often exacerbate short-term economic distress in the borrowing country, which in turn causes more people to migrate to countries where their co-ethnics reside. Analyzing all IMF programs from 1978 to 2014, we assess our hypothesis that IMF borrowers with larger diasporas in the major IMF shareholder countries tend to secure better arrangements from the IMF. Our findings show that when migration pressures on the G5 countries increase, borrowing countries receive larger loan disbursements and fewer conditions.Los modelos existentes de organizaciones internacionales se centran en los intereses estrategicos y comerciales de los principales accionistas para explicar por que algunos paises obtienen mejores tratos por parte de las organizaciones internacionales. Centrandonos en el Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI), argumentamos que los principales accionistas del Fondo presionan al FMI para que minimice los costes de ajuste a corto plazo en el pais prestatario cuando acogen a un gran numero de ciudadanos de ese pais. Los severos paquetes de prestamos suelen exacerbar las dificultades economicas a corto plazo en el pais prestatario, lo que a su vez provoca que mas personas emigren a paises donde residen otros de sus compatriotas. Analizando todos los programas del FMI desde 1978 hasta 2014, evaluamos nuestra hipotesis de que los prestatarios del FMI con mayores diasporas en los principales paises accionistas del FMI tienden a obtener mejores acuerdos por parte del FMI. Nuestras conclusiones muestran que cuando aumentan las presiones migratorias en los paises del G5, los paises prestatarios reciben mayores desembolsos de prestamos y con menos condiciones.Les modeles actuels d'organisations internationales se focalisent sur les interets strategiques et commerciaux des actionnaires majoritaires pour expliquer pourquoi certains pays obtiennent de meilleurs accords aupres des organisations internationales. En nous concentrant sur le Fonds monetaire international (FMI), nous affirmons que ses actionnaires majoritaires appliquent une certaine pression pour reduire les couts d'ajustement a court terme du pays emprunteur, quand un grand nombre de ressortissants de ce pays vit chez eux. Les prets aux conditions strictes aggravent souvent la detresse economique a court terme dans le pays emprunteur. Cette situation renforce ensuite frequemment l'immigration vers les pays ou des compatriotes resident. Apres l'analyse de tous les programmes du FMI de 1978 a 2014, nous evaluons notre hypothese : quand les emprunteurs disposent d'une diaspora plus importante dans les pays actionnaires majoritaires du fonds, ils obtiennent de meilleurs accords aupres du FMI. Nos resultats montrent que lorsque la pression migratoire sur les pays du G5 s'accroit, les pays emprunteurs recoivent des versements de pret plus importants et sont soumis a moins de conditions.
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    France and Algeria: a history of decolonization and transformation
    (Cambridge University Press (CUP), 2002) Department of International Relations; Dillman, Bradford L.; N/A; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/A
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    The politics of irregular migratory flows in the Mediterranean Basin: Economy, mobility and 'illegality'
    (Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2007) N/A; Department of International Relations; İçduygu, Ahmet; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 207882
    Because of the irregular migration flows and use of irregular labour in their economies, most Mediterranean countries of southern Europe face administrative battles over the issue of so-called migration management. The main aim of this article is to elaborate how several countries of the northern Mediterranean Basin have experienced irregular migration flows in the past decade. Particular attention is devoted to the process ill which, when economies are in need of labour, international labour flows might be inevitable even if the related rhetoric and policies towards immigration are unsympathetic. This is debated here over the triad of economy, mobility and 'illegality'.
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    At the gates of Europe
    (Royal Institute International Affairs, 2003) N/A; Department of International Relations; Yılmaz, Şuhnaz Özbağcı; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 46805
    Elation and disappointment are the moods of the moment in Turkey. Elation at the clearing of the political decks and the choice of a government committed to change. Disappointment at its reversal in the headlong rush to negotiate an early date for entry talks to the European Union.
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    Practical necessity, freedom, and history: from Hobbes to Marx
    (Palgrave Macmillan Ltd) Department of International Relations; Başdaş, Umur; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 272052
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    Comparative politics of exclusion in Europe and the Americas: religious, sectarian, and racial boundary making since the reformation
    (Sheridan Press, 2020) Department of International Relations; Aktürk, Şener; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 110043
    Based on a critical reading of three recent books, I argue that the exclusion of Jews and Muslims, the two major non-Christian religious groups in Europe and the Americas, has continued on the basis of ethnic, racial, ideological, and quasi-rational justifications, instead of or in addition to religious justifications, since the Reformation. Furthermore, I argue that the institutionally orchestrated collective stigmatization and persecution of Jews and Muslims predated the Reformation, going back to the Fourth Lateran Council under Pope Innocent III in 1215. The notion of Corpus Christianum and Observant movements in the late Middle Ages, the elective affinity of liberalism and racism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and the divergence in religious norms at present are critically evaluated as potential causes of ethnoreligious exclusion.
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    Rethinking the emerging post-washington consensus
    (Wiley, 2005) Senses, F.; Department of International Relations; Öniş, Ziya; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 7715
    The objective of this article is to provide a critical assessment of the emerging Post-Washington Consensus (PWC), as the new influential vision in the development debate. The authors begin by tracing the main record of the Washington Consensus, the set of neoliberal economic policies propagated largely by key Bretton Woods institutions like the World Bank and the IMF, that penetrated into the economic policy agendas of many developing countries from the late 1970s onwards. They then outline the main tenets of the PWC, emerging from the shortcomings of that record and the reaction it created in the political realm. The authors accept that the PWC, in so far as it influences the actual practice of key Bretton Woods institutions, provides an improvement over the Washington Consensus. Yet, at the same time, they draw attention to the failure of the PWC, as reflected in current policy practice, to provide a sufficiently broad framework for dealing with key and pressing development issues such as income distribution, poverty and self-sustained growth.
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    Turkey's Kurdish conflict: changing context, and domestic and regional implications
    (Middle East Institute (MEI), 2004) Department of International Relations; Somer, Murat; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 110135
    This article develops new analytical categories that are necessary to analyze Turkey's Kurdish conflict in its changed domestic and international environments and to evaluate the policy options. If Turkish state policies and discourse, and that of the other regional and international actors, signal to Kurds that the Turkish and Kurdish identities are mutually exclusive categories with rival interests, radical shifts may occur in Turkish Kurds' social and political identities and preferences. If state policies promote these identities as complements with compatible interests, radical shifts are unlikely and Turkey can play a more constructive regional role.