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Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14288/3
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Publication Metadata only Avoiding fallout from terrorist attacks: the role of local politics and governments(SAGE Publications Ltd, 2024) Kemahlıoğlu, Özge; Kural, Ece; Department of International Relations; Bayer, Reşat; Erol, Emine Arı; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and EconomicsEven though violent attacks resulting in civilian fatalities can be seen as constituting failure on the part of the incumbent party to provide security to citizens, governments are not always punished electorally. Rather, at times, they appear to gain votes following terrorist attacks. Here we argue that political parties that can take advantage of their local presence to frame and communicate their narrative in response to terrorism, can better manage to avoid blame and even to emerge victorious in times of violent conflict. The AKP in Turkey is one such important example. Our statistical analyses of municipality-level aggregate election results show that the party not only maintained national incumbency, but even strengthened its predominance in the political system in the face of growing security threats. In municipalities where AKP controlled the local government and hence municipal resources, the party did not lose votes following terrorist attacks. This finding remains even when we consider past voting, regional variations, competitive districts, and ethnicity. Our argument that incumbents can avoid punishment through their capacity to reach out to voters at the local level is also supported by individual-level survey data and the comparison with neighboring municipalities. As such, we highlight how local government control can be consequential for national politics, including periods when security dominates the national agenda.Publication Metadata only Care in times of the pandemic: rethinking meanings of work in the university(John Wiley and Sons Inc, 2024) Bergeron, Suzanne; Department of International Relations; Olcay, Özlem Altan; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and EconomicsIn this paper, we challenge the meanings of work that marginalize academic activities associated with care and contribute to inequitable gender divisions of academic labor. We argue that the pandemic crisis and the revision of the meaning of “essential work” that accompanied it has served as a catalyst for such concerns to get a hearing. But while there has been significant attention paid to domestic care demands and their impact on academic labor, there is less focus on the caretaking work we do in the university even though the gender unequal distribution of teaching, mentoring and service work has also intensified in the pandemic. We argue that this is in part due to the institutional discourses and practices that continue to devalue many components of everyday academic labor. In order to challenge these limits, we extend ideas from Feminist political economy (FPE) to university settings in order to reframe academic labor and revalue care as an essential part of it. We offer two suggestions, connected to FPE methodologies, for gathering and reconceptualizing data on academic work to push the project forward. We conclude with the argument that this project of revaluing caring labor is essential for achieving goals of equity, faculty well-being, and the sustainability of universities.Publication Metadata only Not so innocent clerics, monarchs, and the ethnoreligious cleansing of Western Europe(MIT Press Journals, 2024) Department of International Relations; Aktürk, Şener; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and EconomicsSizeable Jewish and Muslim communities lived across large swathes of medieval Western Europe. But all the Muslim communities and almost all the Jewish communities in polities that correspond to present-day England, France, Hungary, Italy, Portugal, and Spain were eradicated between 1064 and 1526. Most studies of ethnoreligious violence in Europe focus on communal, regional, and national political dynamics to explain its outbreak and variation. Recent scholarship shows how the Catholic Church in medieval Europe contributed to the long-term political development and the “rise of the West.” But the Church was also responsible for eradicating non-Christian minorities. Three factors explain ethnoreligious cleansing of non-Christians in medieval Western Europe: (1) the papacy as a supranational religious authority with increasing powers; (2) the dehumanization of non-Christians and their classification as monarchical property; and (3) fierce geopolitical competition among Catholic Western European monarchs that made them particularly vulnerable to papal-clerical demands to eradicate non-Christians. The extant scholarship maintains that ethnoreligious cleansing is a modern phenomenon that is often committed by nationalist actors for secular purposes. In contrast, a novel explanation highlights the central role that the supranational hierocratic actors played in ethnoreligious cleansing. These findings also contribute to understanding recent and current ethnic cleansing in places like Cambodia, Iraq, Myanmar, the Soviet Union, and Syria.Publication Metadata only Politicization, ratification of international agreements, and domestic political competition in non-democracies: the case of Iran and the Paris Climate Accords(International Relations Council of Turkey, 2024) Department of International Relations; Bayer, Reşat; Tafazzoli, Bijan; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; Graduate School of Social Sciences and EconomicsWhile some degree of competition is present in many authoritarian regimes, the implications of such controlled competition on international issues have not received much consideration, including towards international environmental accords. We attempt to rectify this through a framework where we focus on internal political competition in a hybrid, nondemocratic system where national elections are held regularly. Specifically, we argue that the presence of multiple actors competing in elections in nondemocratic settings results in them assuming positions on various issues, justifying their positions, and attempting to mobilize their supporters with considerable implications for international environmental policies. We display our argument in the context of Iranian debates on the ratification of the Paris Climate Accords. Our findings demonstrate that the competing Iranian sides rely on different justifications for their environmental positions, resulting in extensive (negative) competitions of rhetoric where the international dimension emerges as an important feature in the internal competition. Overall, we show that political competition within non-democracies is likely to add to the complexity of international (environmental) negotiations and cooperation. © 2024, INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. All rights reserved.Publication Metadata only The unlikely survival of Erdoğan in Turkey's may 2023 elections(Wiley, 2024) Department of International Relations; Çarkoğlu, Ali; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and EconomicsN/APublication Metadata only Developing-country representation and public attitudes toward international organizations: the case of IMF governance reform(Oxford University Press, 2024) McDowell, Daniel; Steinberg, David; Gueorguiev, Dimitar; Department of International Relations; Aytaç, Selim Erdem; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and EconomicsSeveral prominent international organizations (IOs) maintain decision-making structures that under-represent developing countries. This paper argues that individuals in developing countries are more supportive of engaging with IOs that give a greater voice to fellow developing countries. We posit that the balance of decision-making power influences support for IOs by improving perceptions of both input legitimacy and output legitimacy. Empirically, we focus on the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and draw on original survey experiments in four developing countries: Argentina, China, South Africa, and Turkey. Results reveal that increased representation of developing countries increases public support for IMF participation. We also find consistent evidence that this effect works through an input legitimacy mechanism, specifically by improving perceptions of procedural fairness. These findings suggest that public support for IOs is affected by the balance of decision-making power within these organizations. Algunas de las organizaciones internacionales (OOII) m & aacute;s prominentes mantienen estructuras de toma de decisiones que subrepresentan a los pa & iacute;ses en desarrollo. Este art & iacute;culo argumenta que los ciudadanos de los pa & iacute;ses en desarrollo son m & aacute;s partidarios de formar parte de aquellas OOII que dan una mayor voz a otros pa & iacute;ses en desarrollo. Postulamos que el equilibrio del poder en la toma de decisiones influye en el apoyo a las OOII, ya que contribuye a mejorar las percepciones, tanto a nivel de legitimidad de origen como a nivel de legitimidad en virtud de los resultados. Desde el punto de vista emp & iacute;rico, nos centramos en el Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI) y nos basamos en experimentos de encuestas originales llevados a cabo en cuatro pa & iacute;ses en desarrollo: Argentina, China, Sud & aacute;frica y Turqu & iacute;a. Los resultados revelan que una mayor representaci & oacute;n de los pa & iacute;ses en desarrollo aumenta el apoyo p & uacute;blico a la participaci & oacute;n en el FMI. Tambi & eacute;n encontramos pruebas consistentes de que este efecto funciona a trav & eacute;s de un mecanismo de legitimidad de origen, espec & iacute;ficamente, debido a que se mejoran las percepciones en materia de equidad procesal. Estas conclusiones sugieren que el apoyo p & uacute;blico a las OOII se ve afectado por el equilibrio de poder en la toma de decisiones que se produce dentro de estas organizaciones. Plusieurs importantes organisations internationales (OI) maintiennent des structures d & eacute;cisionnelles qui sous-repr & eacute;sentent les pays en d & eacute;veloppement. Cet article affirme que les personnes vivant dans des pays en d & eacute;veloppement soutiennent davantage les rapports avec des OI qui offrent plus de possibilit & eacute;s & agrave; d'autres pays en d & eacute;veloppement de se faire entendre. Nous postulons que l'& eacute;quilibre des pouvoirs d & eacute;cisionnels a une incidence sur le soutien aux OI en am & eacute;liorant la perception des l & eacute;gitimit & eacute;s entrante et sortante. Sur le plan empirique, nous nous focalisons sur le Fonds mon & eacute;taire international (FMI) et nous appuyons sur des exp & eacute;riences de sondage in & eacute;dites dans quatre pays en d & eacute;veloppement : l'Argentine, la Chine, l'Afrique du Sud et la Turquie. Selon les r & eacute;sultats, lorsque la repr & eacute;sentation des pays en d & eacute;veloppement augmente, le soutien public & agrave; la participation au FMI augmente aussi. Nous trouvons & eacute;galement des & eacute;l & eacute;ments confirmant que cet effet fonctionne par le biais d'un m & eacute;canisme de l & eacute;gitimit & eacute; entrante, en am & eacute;liorant la perception de l'& eacute;quit & eacute; proc & eacute;durale. Ces conclusions sugg & egrave;rent que le soutien public aux OI subit l'influence de l'& eacute;quilibre des pouvoirs d & eacute;cisionnels au sein de ces organisations.Publication Metadata only Root causes of irregular migration in the Eastern Mediterranean: the case of Afghans and Syrians(Springer, 2024) Department of International Relations; İçduygu, Ahmet; Karşıyaka, Birce Altıok; Department of International Relations; Migration Research Program at Koç University (MIReKoç) / Göç Araştırmaları Uygulama ve Araştırma Merkezi (MIReKoç); College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; Graduate School of Social Sciences and HumanitiesThis chapter evaluates the initiation and perpetuation of migratory flows from Afghanistan and Syria to Europe, which operate through the Eastern Mediterranean corridor over the decades. It links the notion of root causes of migration to the fragile or weak statehood and protracted refugee situations. While the concepts of “root causes” and “fragile or weak state” may be contested, they hold analytical value as they relate to various aspects of irregular migration systems between the Global North and Global South. Due to the scarcity of research on the relationship between weak statehood, refugee flows, and irregular migration, and their implications on migratory systems between the Global South and Global North, exploring this connection through an analytical framework applied to selected case studies becomes a critical research area. The selected cases, namely migration flows from Afghanistan and Syria to Europe via the Eastern Mediterranean, offer a framework for better understanding the root causes of irregular migratory flows that impact the broader geography of the Eastern Mediterranean and Europe. Therefore, by focusing on weak statehood, this chapter explores the dynamics and mechanisms of root causes of irregular migration and asylum flows. It aims to explain why and how people choose specific routes over time. The ongoing debate on this topic also helps assess policy outcomes for the effective governance of irregular migration and refugee flows.Publication Metadata only Teaching policy design: themes, topics and techniques(Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd., 2024) Bali, Azad Singh; Howlett, Michael; Lewis, Jenny M.; Schmidt, Scott; Department of International Relations; Bakır, Caner; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics[No abstract available]Publication Metadata only Migration and transformation: multi-level analysis of migrant transnationalism(Springer Netherlands, 2012) Sert, Deniz; Pitkänen, Pirkko; Department of International Relations; İçduygu, Ahmet; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 207882People’s transnational ties and activities are acquiring ever greater importance and topicality in today’s world. The focus of this book lies in the complex and multi-level processes of migrant transnationalism in four transnational spaces: India-UK, Morocco-France and Turkey-Germany and Estonia-Finland. The main question is, how people’s activities across national borders emerge, function, and change, and how are they related to the processes of governance in increasingly complex and interconnected world? The book is based on the findings of a three-year research project TRANS-NET which brough together internationally acknowledged experts from Europe, Asia and Africa. As no single discipline could investigate all the components of the topic in question, the project adopted a multi-disciplinary approach: among the contributors, there are sociologists, policy analysts, political scientists, social and cultural anthropologists, educational scientists, and economists. The chapters show that people’s transnational linkages and migration across national boundaries entail manifold political, economic, social, cultural and educational implications. Although political-social-economic-educational transformations fostered by migrant transnationalism constitute the main topic of the book, the starting assumption is that the large-scale institutional and actor-centred patterns of transformation come about through a constellation of parallel processes. Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2012.Publication Metadata only Large-n analysis in the study of conflict(Center Foreign Policy & Peace Research, 2019) Department of International Relations; Akça, Belgin San; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 107754In this paper; I examine the generation and use of large-N datasets and issues related to operationalization and measurement in the quantitative study of inter-state and infra-state conflict. Specifically, I critically evaluate the work on transnational dimensions of internal conflict and talk about my own journey related to my research on interactions between states and nonstate armed groups. I address the gaps in existing research, the use of proxy measures in large-N data analysis, and talk in detail about observational data collection and coding. I argue that future research should bridge the gap between studies of conflict across the fields of Comparative Politics and International relations. I make suggestions laying the standards of academic scholarship in collecting data and increasing transparency in research.