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Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14288/3
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Publication Metadata only The rise and fall of community development in rural Turkey, 1960-1980(Wiley, 2024) Selamet, Kadir; Department of Sociology; Gürel, Burak; Department of Sociology; College of Social Sciences and HumanitiesTurkey's Community Development Program (CDP), implemented in the 1960s and 1970s, has remained a largely underexplored subject in the global history of rural community development schemes. Based on detailed archival research, this article shows that the programme's central goal was to mobilize the labour and financial resources of the villagers to carry out rapid infrastructure construction. Turkish policymakers hoped that such mobilization could help achieve a high level of rural development far beyond what could be achieved by relying solely on government spending and might also allow the allocation of more resources to urban industrialization. Despite its initial promise, the CDP was unable to effectively mobilize the countryside due to a combination of structural, political, and bureaucratic challenges, including unequal land distribution, intense electoral competition, and inadequate administrative coordination. However, the CDP was not entirely inconsequential. It played a modest role in the commercialization and capitalist transformation of Turkish agriculture.Publication Metadata only Explaining anti-Kurdish beliefs in Turkey: group competition, identity, and globalization(Wiley, 2010) Dixon, Jeffrey C.; Department of Sociology; Ergin, Murat; Faculty Member; Department of Sociology; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; 106427Objective In the wake of Turkey's EU candidacy and the U.S.-led war in Iraq, Turkey's Kurdish question has drawn international attention. Due to previous data limitations, ours is the first article to analyze what explains anti-Kurdish beliefs in Turkey using nationally representative survey data. Methods Through descriptive analyses and partial proportional odds models of the Pew Global Attitudes Survey (2002), we examine the extent and sources of these beliefs. Results We find high levels of anti-Kurdish beliefs in Turkey, but little evidence of group competition/material interests shaping these beliefs; rather, nationalism, secularism, and, somewhat surprisingly, favorable evaluations of globalization better explain anti-Kurdish beliefs. Conclusion Although broad processes of social-dominance orientation and authoritarianism may be factors working in the background, anti-Kurdish beliefs are better explained by the peculiar case of modernization in Turkey and these anti-Kurdish beliefs may be different from negative beliefs about other minorities.Publication Metadata only Welfare provision as political containment: the politics of social assistance and the Kurdish conflict in Turkey(Sage, 2012) Department of Sociology; Yörük, Erdem; Faculty Member; Department of Sociology; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; 28982Can we argue that pressures generated from grassroots politics are responsible for the rapid expansion and ethnically/racially uneven distribution of social assistance programs in emerging economies? This article analyzes the Turkish case and shows that social assistance programs in Turkey are directed disproportionately to the Kurdish minority and to the Kurdish region of Turkey, especially to the internally displaced Kurds in urban and metropolitan areas. The article analyzes a cross-sectional dataset generated by a 10,386-informant stratified random sampling survey and controls for possibly intervening socioeconomic factors and neighborhood-level fixed-effects. The results show that high ethnic disparity in social assistance is not due to higher poverty among Kurds. Rather, Kurdish ethnic identity is the main determinant of the access to social assistance. This result yields substantive support to argue that the Turkish government uses social assistance to contain the Kurdish unrest in Turkey. The Turkish government seems to give social assistance not simply where the people become poor, but where the poor become politicized. This provides support for Fox Piven and Cloward's thesis that relief for the poor is driven by social unrest, rather than social need. The article concludes that similar hypotheses may hold true for other emerging economies, where similar types of social assistance programs have recently expanded significantly and have been directed to ethnic/racial groups.Publication Metadata only The social impact of the 2008 Global Economic Crisis on neighborhoods, households, and individuals in Turkey(Springer, 2015) Aytaç, Işık A.; İbikoğlu, Arda; Department of Sociology; Rankin, Bruce; Faculty Member; Department of Sociology; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; N/AThis paper deals with the social impact of the 2008 global economic crisis on urban Turkey. Empirical evidence drawn from recently collected survey data using a multi-stage, stratified, random cluster sample illustrates the extent to which the economic crisis was also a social crisis. Analyses of three different levels-the neighborhood, household, and individual-highlight multiple detrimental effects, as seen in increased neighborhood social problems, household economic hardship and associated coping strategies, and individual mental and physical health problems. While post-crisis economic hardship, as measured by job loss, earnings reduction, and underemployment, was wide-spread, lower socioeconomic groups, renters, and Kurdish households suffered more. Economic hardship was also associated with a range of household coping strategies, both of which represent potential longer-term secondary social impacts, particularly in the Turkish context, when government safety nets are weak and families are left to fend for themselves. If appropriate measures are not taken, the long-term effects may go beyond the current generation of workers to affect the future wellbeing of vulnerable groups.Publication Metadata only How the west came to rule: the geopolitical origins of capitalism(Cambridge Univ Press, 2017) Department of Sociology; Gürel, Burak; Faculty Member; Department of Sociology; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; 219277N/APublication Metadata only Transnational activities of Syrian refugees in Turkey: hindering or supporting integration(Wiley, 2019) Department of Sociology; Şimşek, Doğuş; Teaching Faculty; Department of Sociology; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; 238422This article focuses on transnational activities of Syrian refugees in Turkey examining the relationship between such activities and integration. The main research question addressed in this article is whether involvement in transnational activities hinders or supports the integration processes of Syrian refugees in Turkey, by drawing upon fieldwork in Istanbul, Ankara, Hatay and Gaziantep. I argue that Syrian refugees perceive integration as a survival mechanism and use transnational activities as a strategy for adapting to a new society, especially when they are faced with insecure legal status and a lack of access to rights in the receiving country. This study contributes to the literature on refugee transnationalism and integration by focusing on the refugees' perceptions of on integration processes and addressing the question of survival.Publication Metadata only More than subversion: four strategies for the dominated(Springer, 2018) Şaşmaz, Hale; Department of Sociology; Büyükokutan, Barış; Faculty Member; Department of Sociology; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; 126139This article asks what strategies are available to dominated actors in fields of cultural production. Using archival and biographical materials on Ottoman/Turkish women intellectuals, we show that they effectively used, depending on their social and cultural capital and their past practices, at least four strategies. Apart from the well-theorized strategy of subversion, they could also deploy acquiescence, collaboration, and defiance. These four strategies, we argue, constitute a two-dimensional space defined by loyalty vs. resistance on one hand and the overtness vs. covertness of loyalty or resistance on the other. While much of this space is best understood in terms of reciprocal social exchange, the assumptions of exchange break down in the case of overt resistance, showing that strategy goes beyond negotiation and that the understanding of power as always-already implicated with resistance has limits.Publication Metadata only Globally aspired, locally constrained; how national education test regime in Turkey shapes middle-class parenting(Wiley, 2022) Özdemir, Tuğçe; Department of Sociology; Çelik, Çetin; Faculty Member; Department of Sociology; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; 105104This article studies how middle-class parents negotiate globally inspired and classed parenting dispositions with contextual circumstances for transferring their privileges to their children. By drawing on 3-year longitudinal qualitative data from middle-class parents in Istanbul, we show that, first, this class feels insecure in the face of changing its social position in the transformation of the state's political economy and ideological foundations. Second, consistent with patterns reported elsewhere, they generally follow a concerted cultivation style of childrearing - enrolling their children in various extracurricular activities, prompting them to discover or create specific talents, consciously developing their language use and forging their ability to interact with social institutions - to impose a competitive personality on their offspring. Third, however, the early tracking, which may stream their children to disadvantaged upper secondary schools through multiple choice and centralized standardized tests, limits their concerted cultivation process by necessitating test-doing skills. We argue that the Turkish middle class aspires to cultivate their children culturally, but the national testing regime forces them to develop aggressive tactics such as strategically delaying the cultivation process and cutting children's friendships.Publication Metadata only Refugee encounters at the Turkish-Syrian border: Antakya at the crossroads(Wiley, 2021) Department of Sociology; Ensari, Pınar; PhD Student; Department of Sociology; Graduate School of Social Sciences and Humanities; N/AN/APublication Metadata only The four global worlds of welfare capitalism: institutional, neoliberal, populist and residual welfare state regimes(Sage Publications Ltd, 2022) Oker, Ibrahim; Tafoya, Gabriela Ramalho; Department of Sociology; Yörük, Erdem; Faculty Member; Department of Sociology; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; 28982What welfare state regimes are observed when the analysis is extended globally, empirically and theoretically? We introduce a novel perspective into the 'welfare state regimes analyzes' - a perspective that brings developed and developing countries together and, as such, broadens the geographical, empirical and theoretical scope of the 'welfare modelling business'. The expanding welfare regimes literature has suffered from several drawbacks: (i) it is radically slanted towards organisation for economic co-operation and development (OECD) countries, (ii) the literature on non-OECD countries does not use genuine welfare policy variables and (iii) social assistance and healthcare programmes are not utilized as components of welfare state effort and generosity. To overcome these limitations, we employ advanced data reduction methods, exploit an original dataset that we assembled from several international and domestic sources covering 52 emerging markets and OECD countries and present a welfare state regime structure as of the mid-2010s. Our analysis is based on genuine welfare policy variables that are theorized to capture welfare generosity and welfare efforts across five major policy domains: old-age pensions, sickness cash benefits, unemployment insurance, social assistance and healthcare. The sample of OECD countries and emerging market economies form four distinct welfare state regime clusters: institutional, neoliberal, populist and residual. We unveil the composition and performance of welfare state components in each welfare state regime family and develop politics-based working hypotheses about the formation of these regimes. Institutional welfare state regimes perform high in social security, healthcare and social assistance, while populist regimes perform moderately in social assistance and healthcare and moderate-to-high in social security. The neoliberal regime performs moderately in social assistance and healthcare, and it performs low in social security, and the residual regime performs low in all components. We then hypothesize that the relative political strengths of formal and informal working classes are key factors that shaped these welfare state regime typologies.
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