Publications without Fulltext
Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14288/3
Browse
39 results
Search Results
Publication Metadata only IMF: international migration fund(Taylor & Francis, 2023) Shehaj, Albana; Shin, Adrian J. J.; Department of International Relations; Angın, Merih; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 308500Existing models of international organizations focus on the strategic and commercial interests of major shareholders to explain why some countries secure better deals from international organizations. Focusing on the International Monetary Fund (IMF), we argue that the Fund's major shareholders pressure the IMF to minimize short-term adjustment costs in the borrowing country when they host a large number of the country's nationals. Stringent loan packages often exacerbate short-term economic distress in the borrowing country, which in turn causes more people to migrate to countries where their co-ethnics reside. Analyzing all IMF programs from 1978 to 2014, we assess our hypothesis that IMF borrowers with larger diasporas in the major IMF shareholder countries tend to secure better arrangements from the IMF. Our findings show that when migration pressures on the G5 countries increase, borrowing countries receive larger loan disbursements and fewer conditions.Los modelos existentes de organizaciones internacionales se centran en los intereses estrategicos y comerciales de los principales accionistas para explicar por que algunos paises obtienen mejores tratos por parte de las organizaciones internacionales. Centrandonos en el Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI), argumentamos que los principales accionistas del Fondo presionan al FMI para que minimice los costes de ajuste a corto plazo en el pais prestatario cuando acogen a un gran numero de ciudadanos de ese pais. Los severos paquetes de prestamos suelen exacerbar las dificultades economicas a corto plazo en el pais prestatario, lo que a su vez provoca que mas personas emigren a paises donde residen otros de sus compatriotas. Analizando todos los programas del FMI desde 1978 hasta 2014, evaluamos nuestra hipotesis de que los prestatarios del FMI con mayores diasporas en los principales paises accionistas del FMI tienden a obtener mejores acuerdos por parte del FMI. Nuestras conclusiones muestran que cuando aumentan las presiones migratorias en los paises del G5, los paises prestatarios reciben mayores desembolsos de prestamos y con menos condiciones.Les modeles actuels d'organisations internationales se focalisent sur les interets strategiques et commerciaux des actionnaires majoritaires pour expliquer pourquoi certains pays obtiennent de meilleurs accords aupres des organisations internationales. En nous concentrant sur le Fonds monetaire international (FMI), nous affirmons que ses actionnaires majoritaires appliquent une certaine pression pour reduire les couts d'ajustement a court terme du pays emprunteur, quand un grand nombre de ressortissants de ce pays vit chez eux. Les prets aux conditions strictes aggravent souvent la detresse economique a court terme dans le pays emprunteur. Cette situation renforce ensuite frequemment l'immigration vers les pays ou des compatriotes resident. Apres l'analyse de tous les programmes du FMI de 1978 a 2014, nous evaluons notre hypothese : quand les emprunteurs disposent d'une diaspora plus importante dans les pays actionnaires majoritaires du fonds, ils obtiennent de meilleurs accords aupres du FMI. Nos resultats montrent que lorsque la pression migratoire sur les pays du G5 s'accroit, les pays emprunteurs recoivent des versements de pret plus importants et sont soumis a moins de conditions.Publication Metadata only Beyond the global financial crisis: structural continuities as impediments to a sustainable recovery(Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research, Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, 2012) N/A; Department of International Relations; N/A; Öniş, Ziya; Kutlay, Mustafa; Faculty Member; PhD Student; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; Graduate School of Social Sciences and Humanities; 7715; N/AThere has scarcely been a day in the last three years when we have not read depressing headlines in the newspapers about the global economic crisis. The current turmoil, which many experts concur in seeing as the worst jolt to the world economy since the Great Depression, is pushing the parameters of the established system to its limits. One could say that we see, in the short-term measures taken against the crisis at the time, an effective anti-crisis strategy. But ironically, the promptness with which these short-term measures were enacted prevented adequate questioning of the dominant paradigm which had caused the crisis. As a result, the structural problems leading to the crisis were not reduced. Despite the occurrence of the deepest economic crisis to be experienced since the Great Depression, the present economic emergency did not shake the neoclassical economic paradigm as strongly as was needed. A puzzle that this study aims to solve arises here: Why and how has the conventional wisdom survived and reproduced its intellectual hegemony even after the "most devastating economic crisis" since the Great Depression?.Publication Metadata only Financial globalization, the democratic deficit, and recurrent crises in emerging markets: the Turkish experience in the aftermath of capital account liberalization(Taylor and Francis, 2003) Alper, C. Emre; Department of International Relations; Öniş, Ziya; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 7715Financial globalization offers both risks and benefits for countries of the semi-periphery or "emerging markets." Politics within the national space matters, yet acquires a new meaning, in the age of financial globalization. "Weak democracies" are characterized by limited accountability and transparency of the state and other key political institutions. Such democracies tend to suffer from populist cycles, which result in a low capacity to carry out economic reform. Financial globalization, in turn, magnifies populist cycles and renders their consequences more severe. Hence, "weak democracies" are confronted with the predominantly negative side of financial globalization, which includes overdependence on short-term capital flows, speculative attacks, and recurrent financial crises leading to slow growth and a more regressive income distributional profile. The relevance of these sets of propositions are illustrated with reference to the case of Turkey, which, indeed, experienced recurrent financial crises in the post-capital account liberalization era, with costly consequences for the real economy. Two general conclusions follow. First, there is a need to strengthen democracy in the developing world. Second, since this is hard to accomplish over a short period of time, serious questions are raised concerning the desirability of early exposure to financial globalization given the current state of the world.Publication Metadata only The precarious role of emerging powers in a transforming international order: the brazilian and turkish initiative for a nuclear deal with iran(2019) Levaggi, Ariel Gonzalez; Department of International Relations; Yılmaz, Şuhnaz Özbağcı; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 46805This article analyzes the complex dynamics of international hierarchy and functional delegation among established and emerging powers, by focusing on one of the most pressing and highly debated issues of the global security agenda, nuclear non-proliferation. While the established powers delegate some responsibilities in mediation efforts to enhance the legitimacy of the liberal international order, this delegation of a mediator role has challenges and limitations, as well. Therefore, this article examines the Joint Declaration by Iran, Turkey and Brazil (Tehran Declaration) on nuclear fuel in May 2010 as an empirical case that reveals the challenging quest of emerging powers to elevate their position in the hierarchical pyramid of the international order. We argue that the Nuclear Deal reflects the limits of the functional delegation in the international order, since the emerging powers encounter difficulties in their mediation efforts, particularly when they want to display more foreign policy autonomy.Publication Metadata only Edmund husserl and phenomenology(Logos Yayincilik Ticaret A.S., 2007) Üstün, Çaǧatay; Department of International Relations; Özgürler, Özge; Undergraduate Student; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/APhenomenology is a philosophical branch which aims to solve conflicts between pureness and logic in order to reach the pure source of theories by using philosophical and scientific systems. Edmund Husserl is the founder of phenomenology, and he had worked many years (between 1876-1936) in order to develop phenomenology. Phenomenology claims that the mind is not intraverted, and rather the mind is an open skill, which has direct relations with surroundings and with the community. A new concept of social universe has been developed, which is open to new and to change. For these reasons, phenomenology can be regarded as a new, and yet unrecognized branch of science. Because of diffuculties in perception of the concepts of phenomenology, Edmund Husserl was banned to lecture by his colleaques (1936), and his participation to the 9th International Congress of Philosophy in Paris (1937) was hindered. In the recent years, however, a number of new books have revised phenomenology in order to transfer its concepts to wider scientific groups.Publication Metadata only The janus-faced relation of religious actors and human security: islamic and secular values in Turkey(Oxford University Press, 2012) Department of International Relations; Somer, Murat; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 110135This chapter underlines the Janus-faced nature of religious nonstate actors' involvement in the provision and protection of human welfare, rights, and freedoms. In doing so, it draws on a critical examination of the case of Turkey, supported by a content analysis of four religious and two secular newspapers and interviews with Islamic nonstate actors. This exercise helps us to better understand both the multifaceted impact of religious and nonreligious actors on human security and the complex concept of human security itself.Publication Metadata only An economic limitation to the zone of democratic peace and cooperation(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2002) N/A; Department of International Relations; Mousseau, Michael; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/AThe zone of democratic peace and cooperation is the premier nontrivial fact of international relations. Recent research, however, has shown that the democratic peace is substantially limited to the economically developed democracies (Mousseau, 2000). Is the zone of democratic cooperation also limited to the economically developed democracies? With the observation of most nations from 1919 to 1992, robust support is found for this hypothesis. It appears that economically developed democracies are more than eight times more likely than other states to engage each other in an intense form of interstate cooperation: collaboration in militarized conflict. Democracies with per capita incomes of less than $8,050, in contrast-77 percent of all joint democratic dyads-appear less likely than other types of states to collaborate with each other in militarized conflict. This result is consistent with the view that liberal political culture arises from economic development, and it is liberal political culture that explains the global zone of democracy, peace, prosperity, and interstate cooperation.Publication Metadata only Turkish-American relations, 1800-1952 between the stars, stripes and the crescent conclusion(Routledge, 2015) Department of International Relations; Yılmaz, Şuhnaz Özbağcı; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 46805N/APublication Metadata only Turkey: identity, foreign policy, and socialization in a post-enlargement Europe(Taylor and Francis, 2011) Department of International Relations; Rumelili, Bahar; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 51356This article analyzes the implications of post-enlargement European international society for Turkey in three areas: identity construction, foreign policy and political reform. First, through an analysis of post-2007 European Parliament debates on EU-Turkey relations, it argues that the construction of European and Turkish identities vis-à-vis each other is likely to remain an important arena of contestation. Second, it provides a brief overview of Turkey's new regional foreign policy activism, and argues the recent initiatives are in fact signs of adaptation to a post-enlargement Europe, as they are building on a foreign policy role conception that stresses Turkey's hybrid identity as both European and Asian, and Western and Islamic. Finally, it analyzes the diffusion of the norms of European international society to Turkey in the post-2007 period, in particular focusing on the critical role played by domestic political actors. While Turkish political actors are showing signs of adaptation in terms of how they utilize the political opportunity structures in post-enlargement Europe, the weakening of Turkey's EU membership prospects is likely to slow down the diffusion of European norms to Turkey.Publication Metadata only The political economy of "new Turkish foreign policy": a critical appraisal(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği, 2012) N/A; N/A; Kutlay, Mustafa; PhD Student; Graduate School of Social Sciences and Humanities; N/AIn the recent Turkish foreign policy literature, political economy approaches have started to emerge in addition to the burgeoning international relations analyses. The political economy perspectives that consider foreign policy as a complex web of dynamic interaction between politics, economics and international relations, contribute significantly to more comprehensively furthering the understanding of foreign policy proactivism in Turkey. However, the current literature mainly concentrates on the role of economy in the new Turkish foreign policy within a descriptive framework rather than adopting a critical approach. Therefore, with the aim of filling the aforementioned gap in the literature, this study puts an emphasis on the constraints of the Turkish economy to be employed as a practical hand in Turkish foreign policy. This study highlights the importance of the transformation of Turkish political economy into a 'proactive state' structure in order to operationalize economy as a sustainable vehicle in foreign policy. In this regard, this study discusses the three fundamental constraints (1) lack of comprehensive industrial strategy, (2) asymmetric structure of foreign trade and (3) social polarization/lack of synergy.