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Publication Metadata only A test for reverse causality in the democratic peace relationship(Sage, 1999) Shi, Yuhang; Department of International Relations; Mousseau, Michael; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/ASeveral studies have suggested the possibility of reverse causation in the 'democratic peace' relationship: that the well-known extreme rarity of wars between democratic nations may be partially or wholly explained by a negative impact of war on democracy. Three kinds of war-on-regime effects are discussed. Anterior effects are regime changes that occur in preparation for wars; concurrent effects are those that occur during the course of a war; and posterior effects are regime changes that occur after a war concludes. Because studies have shown that democratic nations are rarely, if ever, on opposite sides in wars at their start, it is argued that reversed causation may affect the presence of causation from democracy to peace only if nations tend to become more autocratic as they prepare for impending wars. This proposition is examined with the observation of war events involving geographic neighbors or major powers, worldwide, from 1816 to 1992. With interrupted time-series analysis, it is found that nations are about as likely to become more institutionally autocratic as they are to become more democratic in the periods before the onset of wars. Moreover, this pattern holds even for the smaller subset of nations estimated to be democratic in the periods before major wars. These results indicate that studies of regime type and war participation have not been underspecified due to possible reverse causation before the onset of wars, and thus support the notion that the direction of causation in the democracy and war relationship is unidirectional from democracy to peace.Publication Metadata only An economic limitation to the zone of democratic peace and cooperation(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2002) N/A; Department of International Relations; Mousseau, Michael; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/AThe zone of democratic peace and cooperation is the premier nontrivial fact of international relations. Recent research, however, has shown that the democratic peace is substantially limited to the economically developed democracies (Mousseau, 2000). Is the zone of democratic cooperation also limited to the economically developed democracies? With the observation of most nations from 1919 to 1992, robust support is found for this hypothesis. It appears that economically developed democracies are more than eight times more likely than other states to engage each other in an intense form of interstate cooperation: collaboration in militarized conflict. Democracies with per capita incomes of less than $8,050, in contrast-77 percent of all joint democratic dyads-appear less likely than other types of states to collaborate with each other in militarized conflict. This result is consistent with the view that liberal political culture arises from economic development, and it is liberal political culture that explains the global zone of democracy, peace, prosperity, and interstate cooperation.Publication Metadata only Beyond the global financial crisis: structural continuities as impediments to a sustainable recovery(Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research, Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, 2012) N/A; Department of International Relations; N/A; Öniş, Ziya; Kutlay, Mustafa; Faculty Member; PhD Student; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; Graduate School of Social Sciences and Humanities; 7715; N/AThere has scarcely been a day in the last three years when we have not read depressing headlines in the newspapers about the global economic crisis. The current turmoil, which many experts concur in seeing as the worst jolt to the world economy since the Great Depression, is pushing the parameters of the established system to its limits. One could say that we see, in the short-term measures taken against the crisis at the time, an effective anti-crisis strategy. But ironically, the promptness with which these short-term measures were enacted prevented adequate questioning of the dominant paradigm which had caused the crisis. As a result, the structural problems leading to the crisis were not reduced. Despite the occurrence of the deepest economic crisis to be experienced since the Great Depression, the present economic emergency did not shake the neoclassical economic paradigm as strongly as was needed. A puzzle that this study aims to solve arises here: Why and how has the conventional wisdom survived and reproduced its intellectual hegemony even after the "most devastating economic crisis" since the Great Depression?.Publication Metadata only Democratization, clashing narratives, and 'twin tolerations' between islamic-conservative and pro-secular actors(Taylor and Francis, 2010) Department of International Relations; Somer, Murat; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 110135The three-year period, which began in 2007 with the controversies preceding the election of Turkey’s eleventh president Abdullah Gül, was critical for Turkish democracy. During these years, some examples of the tensions and intrigues in Turkish politics have included massive pro-secular and anti-government rallies; an online military ultimatum to the democratically elected government rooted in (former) Islamist parties; a case heard at the Constitutional Court to outlaw the governing party for ‘ anti-secularism’; fierce battles in the domestic and international media in which the adversaries have presented themselves as the defenders of democracy or of secularism, calls by the prime minister to boycott the country’s largest, mainly pro-secular media group; and arrests of former military officers, along with pro-secular intellectuals, on various charges including conspiracy to topple the government.Publication Metadata only Discourse analysis: strengths and shortcomings(Center Foreign Policy & Peace Research, 2019) Aydın-Düzgit, Senem; Department of International Relations; Rumelili, Bahar; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 51356Discourse analysis is a much-favoured textual analysis method among constructivist and critically minded International Relations scholars interested in the impact of identity, meaning, and discourse on world politics. The aim of this article is to guide students of Turkish IR in their choice and use of this method. Written by two Turkish IR scholars who have employed discourse analysis in their past and present research, this article also includes a personal reflection on its strengths and shortcomings. The first section of the article presents an overview of the conceptual and epistemological underpinnings of discourse analysis, while charting the evolution of discourse analysis in IR since the late 1980s in three phases. The second section offers insight into the personal history of the researchers in employing discourse analysis in their previous and ongoing research, while the third section provides a how-to manual by performing discourse analysis of an actual text. The concluding section focuses on the challenges faced in the conduct of discourse analysis and the potential ways to overcome them, also drawing from the researchers' own experiences in the field.Publication Metadata only Domestic politics, international norms and challenges to the state: Turkey-EU relations in the post-Helsinki era(Frank Cass and Company Limited, 2003) N/A; Department of International Relations; Öniş, Ziya; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 7715Developments in Turkish politics following the endorsement of Turkey's candidacy for full membership at the EU's Helsinki summit of December 1999 underline the significant role that the EU can play as a catalyst for change and reform in candidate countries. The essay draws attention to the emergence of a "pro-EU coalition" in Turkey during the post-Helsinki era and highlights the formidable barriers on the path to Turkey's full membership given the presence of a powerful and vocal "anti-EU coalition." A central argument of this piece is that the EU can help in overcoming the existing stalemate and shift the balance in favor of the proEU coalition through an improved mix of conditions and incentives as it has done so effectively in other national contexts.Publication Metadata only Edmund husserl and phenomenology(Logos Yayincilik Ticaret A.S., 2007) Üstün, Çaǧatay; Department of International Relations; Özgürler, Özge; Undergraduate Student; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/APhenomenology is a philosophical branch which aims to solve conflicts between pureness and logic in order to reach the pure source of theories by using philosophical and scientific systems. Edmund Husserl is the founder of phenomenology, and he had worked many years (between 1876-1936) in order to develop phenomenology. Phenomenology claims that the mind is not intraverted, and rather the mind is an open skill, which has direct relations with surroundings and with the community. A new concept of social universe has been developed, which is open to new and to change. For these reasons, phenomenology can be regarded as a new, and yet unrecognized branch of science. Because of diffuculties in perception of the concepts of phenomenology, Edmund Husserl was banned to lecture by his colleaques (1936), and his participation to the 9th International Congress of Philosophy in Paris (1937) was hindered. In the recent years, however, a number of new books have revised phenomenology in order to transfer its concepts to wider scientific groups.Publication Open Access Ethnicity and religiosity-based prejudice in Turkey: evidence from a survey experiment(Sage, 2017) Department of International Relations; Aytaç, Selim Erdem; Çarkoğlu, Ali; Faculty Member; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 224278; 125588Threat perceptions and prejudice underlie a large number of intergroup conflicts. In this article we explore prejudicial attitudes in Turkey regarding ethnic Kurdish and devout Muslim religious identities as opposed to Turkish and less observant, secular identities. Utilizing a population-based survey experiment, we use vignettes about a hypothetical family as a neighbour, with randomized ethnicity and religiosity-related cues. We find evidence for prejudice against Kurdish ethnicity, especially among older, lowly-educated and economically dissatisfied individuals. The level of prejudice against Kurds does not seem to be related to the relative size of the Kurdish population in the local population. We do not observe prejudice against devout Muslim or less observant, secular identities. Our findings indicate that prejudice against Kurds in Turkey does not have a sui generis nature. The lack of prejudice across the religiosity dimension suggests that major socio-political cleavages do not necessarily affect intergroup attitudes.Publication Metadata only Financial globalization, the democratic deficit, and recurrent crises in emerging markets: the Turkish experience in the aftermath of capital account liberalization(Taylor and Francis, 2003) Alper, C. Emre; Department of International Relations; Öniş, Ziya; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 7715Financial globalization offers both risks and benefits for countries of the semi-periphery or "emerging markets." Politics within the national space matters, yet acquires a new meaning, in the age of financial globalization. "Weak democracies" are characterized by limited accountability and transparency of the state and other key political institutions. Such democracies tend to suffer from populist cycles, which result in a low capacity to carry out economic reform. Financial globalization, in turn, magnifies populist cycles and renders their consequences more severe. Hence, "weak democracies" are confronted with the predominantly negative side of financial globalization, which includes overdependence on short-term capital flows, speculative attacks, and recurrent financial crises leading to slow growth and a more regressive income distributional profile. The relevance of these sets of propositions are illustrated with reference to the case of Turkey, which, indeed, experienced recurrent financial crises in the post-capital account liberalization era, with costly consequences for the real economy. Two general conclusions follow. First, there is a need to strengthen democracy in the developing world. Second, since this is hard to accomplish over a short period of time, serious questions are raised concerning the desirability of early exposure to financial globalization given the current state of the world.Publication Metadata only Global inequality: the current debate, it's importance and policy recommendations(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği, 2009) Department of International Relations; Aytaç, Selim Erdem; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 224278Despite the recent popularity of the subject of global inequality in the literature, most studies focus only on the debate about the direction and magnitude of change of global inequality during the last few decades, without deliberating about the different policy recommendations needed to address it. This article aims to fill this gap in the literature by reviewing the contemporary research on global inequality with an emphasis on different policy recommendations. In order to introduce the bigger picture, the study also presents a discussion on the latest findings on the level of global inequality and why it should be considered as a significant problem for humanity.