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Department: search.filters.department.Department of SociologySubject: search.filters.subject.Communication

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Now showing 1 - 7 of 7
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    Bringing registration into models of vote overreporting
    (Oxford Univ Press, 2007) Fullerton, Andrew S.; Borch, Casey; Department of Sociology; Dixon, Jeffrey C.; Faculty Member; Department of Sociology; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; N/A
    Voting is a socially desirable act and a basic form of political participation in the United States. This social desirability sometimes leads respondents in surveys, such as the National Election Study (NES), to claim to have voted when they did not. The methodology of previous studies assumes that people only overreport voting and that the sample of potential overreporters (i.e., nonvalidated voters) is not systematically different from the sample of potential voters. In this research note, we explore several different ways of examining the determinants of overreporting at two different stages (registering and voting) and with a consideration for selection bias. Comparing the traditional probit model used in previous research with sequential and heckit probit models, we find that the determinants of overreporting registering and voting differ substantially. In addition, there is a significant selection effect at the registration stage of overreporting. We conclude with a discussion of contemporary implications for pre-election polling and the postelection analysis of survey data.
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    Digital populism: trolls and political polarization of Twitter in Turkey
    (University of Southern California, Annenberg School for Communication _ Journalism, 2017) Department of Media and Visual Arts; Department of Sociology; Bulut, Ergin; Yörük, Erdem; Faculty Member; Faculty Member; Department of Media and Visual Arts; Department of Sociology; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; 219279; 28982
    This article analyzes political trolling in Turkey through the lens of mediated populism. Twitter trolling in Turkey has diverged from its original uses (i.e., poking fun, flaming, etc.) toward government-led polarization and right-wing populism. Failing to develop an effective strategy to mobilize online masses, Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (JDP/AKP) relied on the polarizing performances of a large progovernment troll army. Trolls deploy three features of JDP’s populism: serving the people, fetish of the will of the people, and demonization. Whereas trolls traditionally target and mock institutions, Turkey’s political trolls act on behalf of the establishment. They produce a digital culture of lynching and censorship. Trolls’ language also impacts pro-JDP journalists who act like trolls and attack journalists, academics, and artists critical of the government.
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    Digital populism: trolls and political polarization of Twitter in Turkey
    (University of Southern California, 2017) Department of Media and Visual Arts; Department of Sociology; Bulut, Ergin; Yörük, Erdem; Faculty Member; Faculty Member; Department of Media and Visual Arts; Department of Sociology; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; 219279; 28982
    This article analyzes political trolling in Turkey through the lens of mediated populism. Twitter trolling in Turkey has diverged from its original uses (i.e., poking fun, flaming, etc.) toward government-led polarization and right-wing populism. Failing to develop an effective strategy to mobilize online masses, Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (JDP/AKP) relied on the polarizing performances of a large progovernment troll army. Trolls deploy three features of JDP's populism: serving the people, fetish of the will of the people, and demonization. Whereas trolls traditionally target and mock institutions, Turkey's political trolls act on behalf of the establishment. They produce a digital culture of lynching and censorship. Trolls' language also impacts pro-JDP journalists who act like trolls and attack journalists, academics, and artists critical of the government.
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    Ethnographic research at the intersections of everyday life, power relations and ethical codes
    (Hacettepe Üniversitesi İletişim Fakültesi, 2017) Department of Sociology; Can, Başak Bulut; Faculty Member; Department of Sociology; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; 219278
    Ethnographic research aims to understand people's relation to all aspects of life including nature, culture, things, imagination and practice on their own terms. This research method is based on a long-term and intimate relationship between researcher and researched. This intimate relationship, which is based on trust brings about a number of ethical problems. This article first of all looks at the rise of ethical codes in human subject research and the influence of institutionalization of ethical rules on ethnographic research in the last three decades. These debates show the limits of ethical codes in ethnographic method and raise questions about how ethnographic research, which revolve around everyday life, engages with the questions of politics and ethics. The second part of the article deals with the ethical questions in ethnographic research in Turkey. The last part briefly discusses the fact that recently more ethnographic researches address questions about the ethical life. / Öz: Etnografik araştırma insanların doğayla, kültürle, nesnelerle, hayal gücüyle, pratikle yani yaşamın tüm alanlarıyla ilişkilerini onların kendi terimleriyle anlamaya çalışır. Bu araştırma yöntemi, araştırılan ve araştırmacı arasında uzun süreli ve yakın bir ilişkiye dayanmaktadır. Bu güvene dayalı yakın ilişki pek çok etik sorunu da beraberinde getirir. Bu yazıda insan araştırmalarında uyulması gereken etik kritelerin ortaya çıkışına ve özellikle son 30 yılda bu kuralların hızla kurumsallaşmasının etnografik araştırmalar üzerindeki etkisine bakılacaktır. Bu tartışmalar bir yandan etnografik yönteme ilişkin etik kodların sınırlarını gösterirken bir yandan da gündelik hayattaki ilişkileri merkezine alan etnografik araştırmaların daha genel politik ve etik meselelerle nasıl ilişkileneceğine dair soruları ortaya çıkarır. Yazının ikinci kısmı Türkiye'de etnografik araştırmalarda etik soruları nasıl düşünebileceğimizle ilgilidir. Sonuç bölümünde ise etnografik araştırmaların giderek etik yaşamla ilgili sorulara yöneliyor oluşuyla ilgili kısa bir tartışma yer almaktadır.
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    Media, affect, and authoritarian futures in "new Turkey:" spectacular confessions on television in the post-coup era
    (Oxford University Press Inc, 2020) Department of Media and Visual Arts; Department of Sociology; Bulut, Ergin; Can, Başak Bulut; Faculty Member; Faculty Member; Department of Media and Visual Arts; Department of Sociology; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; 219279; 219278
    A spectacular shock doctrine is reformatting Turkey since the failed coup in July 2016. We examine how the television economy transformed the organization behind the coup (FETO) from a public secret into a spectacle. We investigate the televised confessions of former Gulenists, who revealed the scandalous FETO's inner workings live on television. We argue that former Gulenists' media performances based on confession, apology, and spectacular secrecy captured public affect to justify their complicity with the putschists rather than bringing political justice. The government capitalized on these confessions as part of its strategic information warfare to tame the opposition after the coup, while reconstructing Gulenists as a weird cult rather than a political network. As the citizens were bombarded with affective televisual confessions, politicians secured authoritarian futures without a glimpse of justice, because these shows spectacularly erased the networks behind the coup.
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    Neo-Ottomanism versus Ottomania: contestation of gender in historical drama
    (Springer Nature, 2023) Karakaya, Yağmur; Department of Sociology; Ergin, Murat; Faculty Member; Department of Sociology; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; 106427
    The recent imagery of the Ottoman imperial past in Turkey contains two trajectories. First, the state-driven neo-Ottomanism, which attempts to revive the past in government-controlled domains, and, second, the representation of neo-Ottomanism in popular culture, which we call “Ottomania”. While the first trajectory tries to monopolise historical truth in a state-controlled narrative of the past, the second trajectory presents a stylised and eclectic past in search of a popularised pleasure. In this chapter, we expand on the two case studies, Magnificent Century, a controversial 2011 soap opera depicting Ottoman harem intrigues, and Resurrection: Ertuğrul, a state-endorsed 2014 show that portrays the nomadic beginnings of the Ottoman Empire. As we examine how Ottomania and neo-Ottomanism interact, we situate gender as one of the central sites of the tense relationship between these two discourses. We argue that, ultimately, neo-Ottomanism attempts to co-opt Ottomania and solidify its own gendered interpretation through Resurrection: Ertuğrul.
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    Turkey's failed coup as an 'ongoing media event' and the formation of public affect
    (Sage Publications Ltd, 2019) Department of Media and Visual Arts; Department of Sociology; Bulut, Ergin; Can, Başak Bulut; Faculty Member; Faculty Member; Department of Media and Visual Arts; Department of Sociology; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; 219279; 219278
    Following the coup attempt in Turkey, former Gulenists made appearances on various television channels and disclosed intimate and spectacular information regarding their past activities. We ask: what is the political work of these televised disclosures? In answering this question, we situate the coup within the media event literature and examine the intimate work of these televised disclosures performed as part of a media event. The disclosures we examine were extremely spectacular statements that worked to reconstruct a highly divided and polarized society through an intimate language. Consequently, these television performances had two functions: ideological and affective. First, these disclosures and television shows chose to foreground sensation and therefore mystified the illegal networks that historically prepared the coup. Second, using a language of regret and apology, these disclosures aimed to teach the audience how to be purified and good citizens through a mediated, pedagogical relationship. Within the vulnerable context of a hegemonic crisis, these disclosures intended to form their own publics where citizens were invited to sympathize with those who made mistakes in the past, ultimately aiming to create national unity and reconciliation.