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Publication Metadata only A test for reverse causality in the democratic peace relationship(Sage, 1999) Shi, Yuhang; Department of International Relations; Mousseau, Michael; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/ASeveral studies have suggested the possibility of reverse causation in the 'democratic peace' relationship: that the well-known extreme rarity of wars between democratic nations may be partially or wholly explained by a negative impact of war on democracy. Three kinds of war-on-regime effects are discussed. Anterior effects are regime changes that occur in preparation for wars; concurrent effects are those that occur during the course of a war; and posterior effects are regime changes that occur after a war concludes. Because studies have shown that democratic nations are rarely, if ever, on opposite sides in wars at their start, it is argued that reversed causation may affect the presence of causation from democracy to peace only if nations tend to become more autocratic as they prepare for impending wars. This proposition is examined with the observation of war events involving geographic neighbors or major powers, worldwide, from 1816 to 1992. With interrupted time-series analysis, it is found that nations are about as likely to become more institutionally autocratic as they are to become more democratic in the periods before the onset of wars. Moreover, this pattern holds even for the smaller subset of nations estimated to be democratic in the periods before major wars. These results indicate that studies of regime type and war participation have not been underspecified due to possible reverse causation before the onset of wars, and thus support the notion that the direction of causation in the democracy and war relationship is unidirectional from democracy to peace.Publication Metadata only An economic limitation to the zone of democratic peace and cooperation(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2002) N/A; Department of International Relations; Mousseau, Michael; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/AThe zone of democratic peace and cooperation is the premier nontrivial fact of international relations. Recent research, however, has shown that the democratic peace is substantially limited to the economically developed democracies (Mousseau, 2000). Is the zone of democratic cooperation also limited to the economically developed democracies? With the observation of most nations from 1919 to 1992, robust support is found for this hypothesis. It appears that economically developed democracies are more than eight times more likely than other states to engage each other in an intense form of interstate cooperation: collaboration in militarized conflict. Democracies with per capita incomes of less than $8,050, in contrast-77 percent of all joint democratic dyads-appear less likely than other types of states to collaborate with each other in militarized conflict. This result is consistent with the view that liberal political culture arises from economic development, and it is liberal political culture that explains the global zone of democracy, peace, prosperity, and interstate cooperation.Publication Metadata only Beyond the global financial crisis: structural continuities as impediments to a sustainable recovery(Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research, Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, 2012) N/A; Department of International Relations; N/A; Öniş, Ziya; Kutlay, Mustafa; Faculty Member; PhD Student; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; Graduate School of Social Sciences and Humanities; 7715; N/AThere has scarcely been a day in the last three years when we have not read depressing headlines in the newspapers about the global economic crisis. The current turmoil, which many experts concur in seeing as the worst jolt to the world economy since the Great Depression, is pushing the parameters of the established system to its limits. One could say that we see, in the short-term measures taken against the crisis at the time, an effective anti-crisis strategy. But ironically, the promptness with which these short-term measures were enacted prevented adequate questioning of the dominant paradigm which had caused the crisis. As a result, the structural problems leading to the crisis were not reduced. Despite the occurrence of the deepest economic crisis to be experienced since the Great Depression, the present economic emergency did not shake the neoclassical economic paradigm as strongly as was needed. A puzzle that this study aims to solve arises here: Why and how has the conventional wisdom survived and reproduced its intellectual hegemony even after the "most devastating economic crisis" since the Great Depression?.Publication Metadata only Competitive jihadism: understanding the survival strategies of jihadist de facto states(Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research, 2019) Ozpek, Burak Bilgehan; Yağış, Mehmet Yavuz; PhD Student; Graduate School of Social Sciences and Humanities; N/AThe debates dealing with ISIS address the questions of how ISIS is conceptualized, what its aim is, and how it has successfully retained a core sovereignty zone. This study attempts to answer these questions by proposing that ISIS is a de facto state and uses jihadism as a survival strategy. The term 'competitive jihadism' is used to argue that ISIS competes with its metropole states, Syria and Iraq, on the basis of jihadism. This is a deliberate strategy, which aims to attract Muslims inclined to radicalization as well as to recruit foreign fighters by showing the jihadist deficits of the metropole states. As the research shows, ISIS is successful at this game and has become a magnet for foreign fighters. Thus, it is able to increase its military capabilities and continue to survive.Publication Metadata only Competitive jihadism: understanding the survival strategies of jihadist de facto states(Center Foreign Policy & Peace Research, 2019) Özpek, Burak Bilgehan; N/A; Yağış, Mehmet Yavuz; PhD Student; Graduate School of Social Sciences and Humanities; N/AThe debates dealing with ISIS address the questions of how ISIS is conceptualized, what its aim is, and how it has successfully retained a core sovereignty zone. This study attempts to answer these questions by proposing that ISIS is a de facto state and uses jihadism as a survival strategy. The term 'competitive jihadism' is used to argue that ISIS competes with its metropole states, Syria and Iraq, on the basis of jihadism. This is a deliberate strategy, which aims to attract Muslims inclined to radicalization as well as to recruit foreign fighters by showing the jihadist deficits of the metropole states. As the research shows, ISIS is successful at this game and has become a magnet for foreign fighters. Thus, it is able to increase its military capabilities and continue to survive.Publication Metadata only Democratization, clashing narratives, and 'twin tolerations' between islamic-conservative and pro-secular actors(Taylor and Francis, 2010) Department of International Relations; Somer, Murat; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 110135The three-year period, which began in 2007 with the controversies preceding the election of Turkey’s eleventh president Abdullah Gül, was critical for Turkish democracy. During these years, some examples of the tensions and intrigues in Turkish politics have included massive pro-secular and anti-government rallies; an online military ultimatum to the democratically elected government rooted in (former) Islamist parties; a case heard at the Constitutional Court to outlaw the governing party for ‘ anti-secularism’; fierce battles in the domestic and international media in which the adversaries have presented themselves as the defenders of democracy or of secularism, calls by the prime minister to boycott the country’s largest, mainly pro-secular media group; and arrests of former military officers, along with pro-secular intellectuals, on various charges including conspiracy to topple the government.Publication Metadata only Differentiation, brexit and EU-Turkey relations(Routledge, 2020) Cianciara, Agnieszka K.; N/A; Szymanski, Adam; Researcher; N/A; N/AAssessing the consequences of Brexit on EU policies, institutions and members, this book discusses the significance of differentiation for the future of European integration. This book theoretically examines differentiated integration and disintegration, focuses on how this process affects key policy areas, norms and institutions of the EU, and analyses how the process of Brexit is perceived by and impacts on third countries as well as other organizations of regional integration in a comparative perspective. This edited book brings together both leading and emerging scholars to integrate the process of Brexit into a broader analysis of the evolution, establishment and impact of the EU as a system of differentiation. This book will be of key interest to scholar and students of European Union politics, European integration, Brexit, and more broadly to Public Administration, Law, Economics, Finance, Philosophy, History and International Relations.Publication Metadata only Discourse analysis: strengths and shortcomings(Center Foreign Policy & Peace Research, 2019) Aydın-Düzgit, Senem; Department of International Relations; Rumelili, Bahar; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 51356Discourse analysis is a much-favoured textual analysis method among constructivist and critically minded International Relations scholars interested in the impact of identity, meaning, and discourse on world politics. The aim of this article is to guide students of Turkish IR in their choice and use of this method. Written by two Turkish IR scholars who have employed discourse analysis in their past and present research, this article also includes a personal reflection on its strengths and shortcomings. The first section of the article presents an overview of the conceptual and epistemological underpinnings of discourse analysis, while charting the evolution of discourse analysis in IR since the late 1980s in three phases. The second section offers insight into the personal history of the researchers in employing discourse analysis in their previous and ongoing research, while the third section provides a how-to manual by performing discourse analysis of an actual text. The concluding section focuses on the challenges faced in the conduct of discourse analysis and the potential ways to overcome them, also drawing from the researchers' own experiences in the field.Publication Metadata only Domestic politics, international norms and challenges to the state: Turkey-EU relations in the post-Helsinki era(Frank Cass and Company Limited, 2003) N/A; Department of International Relations; Öniş, Ziya; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 7715Developments in Turkish politics following the endorsement of Turkey's candidacy for full membership at the EU's Helsinki summit of December 1999 underline the significant role that the EU can play as a catalyst for change and reform in candidate countries. The essay draws attention to the emergence of a "pro-EU coalition" in Turkey during the post-Helsinki era and highlights the formidable barriers on the path to Turkey's full membership given the presence of a powerful and vocal "anti-EU coalition." A central argument of this piece is that the EU can help in overcoming the existing stalemate and shift the balance in favor of the proEU coalition through an improved mix of conditions and incentives as it has done so effectively in other national contexts.Publication Metadata only Economy as the 'practical hand' of 'new Turkish foreign policy': a political economy explanation(Seta Foundation, 2011) N/A; N/A; Kutlay, Mustafa; PhD Student; Graduate School of Social Sciences and Humanities; N/AIn the recent Turkish foreign policy literature, political economy approaches have started to emerge in addition to the burgeoning international relations analyses. The political economy perspectives that consider foreign policy as a complex web of dynamic interaction between politics, economics and international relations, contribute significantly to more comprehensively furthering the understanding of foreign policy proactivism in Turkey. However, the current literature mainly concentrates on the role of economy in the new Turkish foreign policy within a descriptive framework rather than adopting a critical approach. Therefore, with the aim of filling the aforementioned gap in the literature, this study puts an emphasis on the constraints of the Turkish economy to be employed as a practical hand in Turkish foreign policy. This study highlights the importance of the transformation of Turkish political economy into a “proactive state” structure in order to operationalize economy as a sustainable vehicle in foreign policy. In this regard, this study discusses the three fundamental constraints (1) lack of comprehensive industrial strategy, (2) asymmetric structure of foreign trade and (3) social polarization/lack of synergy. / Türk dış politikası üzerine son dönemde yapılan akademik çalışmalarda, politik ekonomi yaklaşımlarından da istifade edilmeye başlandığı görülmektedir. Dış politikayı ekonomi-siyaset ve uluslararası ilişkilerin dinamik etkileşim kümesi olarak inceleyen söz konusu yaklaşımlar, Türk dış politikasının yapısal dinamiklerini analize imkân tanıyan kavramsal zeminin oluşmasına katkı sağlamıştır. Ancak mevcut literatürde, daha çok, ‘yeni Türk dış politikası’nda ekonominin yeri ve rolü üzerinde durulmakta, eleştirel bir yaklaşım yerine, ‘açıklayıcı’ perspektifler öncelenmektedir. Literatürdeki söz konusu eksikliğin giderilmesine katkı sağlamayı amaçlayan bu çalışmada, ‘yeni Türk dış politikası’nda sorun çözücü bir unsur olarak ekonominin kısıtları üzerinde durulmakta, ekonominin dış politikada sürdürülebilir bir araç olarak kullanılabilmesi için Türkiye’nin politik ekonomisinin “proaktif devlet” yapısına dönüşmesinin gerekliliği vurgulanmaktadır. Bu kapsamda, çözülmesi gereken üç temel kısıt olan (1) kapsamlı sanayi stratejisinin eksikliği, (2) dış ticaretin asimetrik yapısı ve (3) toplumsal kutuplaşma/sinerji eksikliği tartışmaya açılmaktadır.