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Publication Metadata only Afghan migration through Turkey to Europe: seeking refuge, forming diaspora, and becoming citizens(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2018) N/A; Department of International Relations; N/A; İçduygu, Ahmet; Karadağ, Sibel; Faculty Member; Researcher; Department of International Relations; Migration Research Program at Koç University (MIReKoç) / Göç Araştırmaları Uygulama ve Araştırma Merkezi (MIReKoç); College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/A; 207882; N/AThis paper aims to investigate the Afghan-Turkish-European region migration system in light of migration system theory, which provides a comprehensive framework by asking the question of how a set of linkages including some macro-, meso- and micro-level variables relate to the larger context of migratory settings. Relating the roles of various structures, institutions and networks to the operation of the social, political and economic relationships, it seeks to analyze the dynamics of Afghan migration heading to Turkey and Europe in a historically contextualized way. The paper argues that one must focus on the root causes of flows, which are related to the presence of fragility of the Afghan state together with the continuation of flows via networks enabling the maintenance of migrants' links to home, transit and destination countries.Publication Metadata only An inquiry into the linkage among nationalizing policies, democratization, and ethno-nationalist conflict: the Kurdish case in Turkey(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2012) N/A; Department of International Relations; Mousseau, Demet Yalçın; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/AThis article analyzes the effects of nationalizing policies of the state, processes of democratization, and uneven socio-economic development on the rise of Kurdish ethno-mobilization led by the PKK terrorist organization since the 1980s in Turkey. Three features of the Turkish modernization context are identified as conducive for the rise and continuation of Kurdish ethno-mobilization: a) a nation-building autocratic state that resisted granting cultural rights and recognition for the Kurds; b) democratization with the exclusion of ethnic politics and rights; c) economic regional inequality that coincided with the regional distribution of the Kurdish population. It is argued that autocratic policies of the state during nation-building accompanied the development of an illiberal democracy and intolerance for cultural pluralism. These aspects of Turkish democracy seem to be incompatible with both the liberal and consociational models of democracy that accommodate ethnicity within multiculturalism.Publication Metadata only Arab soccer in a Jewish state: the integrative enclave(Wiley, 2008) N/A; N/A; Kaya, Laura Pearl; PhD Student; Graduate School of Social Sciences and Humanities; N/AN/APublication Metadata only Authority, modernity and gender-relevant legislation in Iran(Routledge, 2011) N/A; N/A; Halper, Louise; Other; Law School; N/AA widely accepted view, both in scholarly and more general writing, is that Muslim women benefit from a regime of secular law and suffer under religious law. Thus, we are accustomed to conflating the situation of women in countries as diverse as Iran and Afghanistan and thinking that the status of women in both is dreadful. In fact, however, indicators of women’s advancement in Iran1 are quite comparable to those of women in Turkey, which has had a secular tradition since 1924. In contrast, the situation of women in Afghanistan continues to be abysmal. At a glance, then, it appears that the presence or absence of shari’a as the law of the state is, at the least, non-determinative, whatever influence it may have. It is in fact my hypothesis that the situation of women is impacted less by the nature of the legal regime than by their political status; that is to say, the salience of women to the political process and their active involvement in it. Iran is my key example of this hypothesis, and modifications in the law of marriage and divorce there since the Islamic Revolution of 1978 to 1979 constitute my data. Let me first set out some actual data. With respect to literacy, illiterates as a percentage of Iranian women aged 15 to 24 declined from over one-third in 1980 to under 10 percent in 2000.2 Over the same period, the illiteracy rate for the entire population of adult women was cut in half, from about 60 percent to about 30 percent.3 As for education, the number of women in secondary school as a percentage of the eligible age group more than doubled from about 30 percent to almost 80 percent.4 As of 1999, for every 100 boys in primary school, 96 girls were enrolled, indicating that boys and girls were almost equally likely to be learning basic literacy and numeracy skills.5 In 2000, one-half of all Iranian university students were women,6 as were 60 percent of entering students,7 who were selected on the basis of a difficult nationwide exam. Twenty-seven percent of working-age women were in the labor force as of 2000, up from 20 percent in 1980.8 In terms of health, life expectancy went up by 11 years between 1980 and 2000 for both Iranian men and women.9 With respect to family planning, “levels of childbearing have declined faster than in any other country,” falling from an average of 5.6 births per woman in 1985 to only 2.0 births in 2000,10 a drop accomplished by a voluntary, but government-sponsored, birth control program.11Publication Metadata only Between europeanization and euro-asianism: foreign policy activism in Turkey during the AKP era(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2009) N/A; Department of International Relations; Department of International Relations; Öniş, Ziya; Yılmaz, Şuhnaz Özbağcı; Faculty Member; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 7715; 46805Focusing on Turkish foreign policy in the post-Cold War era, this paper argues that the period can be divided into three distinct phases: an initial wave of foreign policy activism in the immediate post-Cold War context; a new or second wave of foreign policy activism during the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalknma Partisi, AKP) government era with a strong emphasis on Europeanization; and the more recent tension between Europeanization and Euro-Asianism. This paper argues that during the AKP era Turkey maintained considerable continuity in terms of foreign policy activism and a multilateral approach to policymaking. Yet at the same time, a certain discontinuity or rupture can be identified starting in the middle of the first AKP government's reign, signifying a shift from a commitment to deep Europeanization to loose Europeanization along with a parallel shift to a soft Euro-Asianism. Ultimately, the interaction between an intricate set of priorities on the domestic and international fronts will determine the future path of Turkish foreign policy.Publication Metadata only Breaking with Europe's pasts: memory, reconciliation, and ontological (In) security(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2018) Department of International Relations; Rumelili, Bahar; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 51356The European Union is widely credited for consolidating a democratic "security community" in Europe, and bringing about a definitive break with war-torn and authoritarian/totalitarian pasts in many European countries. Drawing on recent discussions in ontological security studies, this article points out that these radical breaks may have come at the expense of ontological insecurity at the societal and individual levels in Europe. While conventional teleological narratives often treat reconciliation and breaking with the past as automatic by-products of European integration, ontological security theory calls for greater attention to the societal tensions and anxieties triggered by these transformations and how they are being managed -more or less successfully - through reconciliation dynamics and memory politics in different societal settings. Illustrating the variation in a number of cases, this article claims that a systematic comparative analysis of the different dynamics of reconciliation and memory politics in different European societies is central to analyzing European integration from an ontological security perspective.Publication Open Access Chinese investment in Turkey: the Belt and Road Initiative, rising expectations and ground realities(Cambridge University Press (CUP), 2022) Kozluca, Mina; Department of Sociology; Gürel, Burak; Faculty Member; Department of Sociology; College of Social Sciences and Humanities; 219277Turkey's inclusion in the Belt and Road Initiative in 2015 has raised the expectations of Turkish businesses and government concerning growth-generating investment from China. Existing studies on Chinese investments in Turkey lack sufficient data on the volume of investment, types of firms, and sectoral composition. Based on a novel dataset of Chinese investments in Turkey, this article contributes to filling this gap. We show that although Chinese investment in Turkey has increased considerably in recent years, it remains quite modest compared with investments from the West. Moreover, despite the expanding activities of Chinese technology companies, more than half of Chinese investment in Turkey consists of low value-added manufacturing, extraction of raw materials, and marketing of Chinese products. Overall, the developmental potential of Chinese investment in Turkey has not been radically different from other countries' investments.Publication Metadata only Comparing public attitudes on EU membership in candidate countries: the cases of Croatia, Macedonia and Turkey from 2004 to 2011(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2016) Department of International Relations; N/A; Çarkoğlu, Ali; Glüpker-Kesebir, Gitta; Faculty Member; PhD Student; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; Graduate School of Social Sciences and Humanities; 125588; N/APast enlargements of the European Union (EU) have demonstrated that public attitudes on European integration can influence the course of accession processes. Beyond the literature on public EU support in member states and former candidates, the dynamics that shape public attitudes on EU membership within recent candidate countries have not been systematically examined. Analysing nine Eurobarometer (EB) surveys from 2004 to 2011, we argue that evaluations of EU membership in Croatia, Macedonia and Turkey are shaped by utilitarian considerations, belief in various political institutions as well as the fear of losing national identity. The economic crisis of 2008 has changed public opinion towards EU membership in all three countries, but Turkey appears to have been affected the most compared to Croatia and Macedonia.Publication Metadata only Contesting for Turkey's political 'centre': domestic politics, identity conflicts and the controversy over EU membership(Routledge Journals, Taylor and Francis Ltd, 2010) N/A; Department of International Relations; Öniş, Ziya; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 7715Westernization' has been a major goal for Turkish political elites in the contemporary era. the roots of this interest can be traced to the late Ottoman times. Westernization in this context is synonymous with modernization, progress and reaching the highest civilizational standards; in other words, obtaining a first division status in terms of economic performance, democratic credentials and other performance criteria that one could identify. Becoming a member of the European 'club' was a natural objective in this direction. although frequent references have been made regarding the value of Turkish membership in terms of its contribution to fostering intercivilization dialogue, possible economic benefits and enhancement of European security, there is no doubt that the primary emphasis has been on the role that EU membership could play in Turkey's own national transformation. indeed, in the recent era, the dramatic impact of the Europeanization process in Turkey can be observed, motivated by the signal for full-membership in the three interrelated areas of the economy, democratization process and foreign policy behaviour. in spite of a decline of momentum in recent years, it is very much a real and on-going process which would be very hard to reverse.Publication Metadata only De-democratization under the New Turkey? challenges for women's organizations(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2022) Eslen Ziya, Hande; Department of Sociology; Kazanoğlu, Nazlı; Teaching Faculty; Department of Sociology; The Center for Gender Studies (KOÇ-KAM) / Koç Üniversitesi Toplumsal Cinsiyet ve Kadın Çalışmaları Araştırma ve Uygulama Merkezi (KOÇ-KAM); College of Social Sciences and Humanities; N/AThis article is an endeavour to explore the changing networking strategies of women's non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Turkey over the last decade. We delineate the shifts and changes during what we call thede-democratizationprocess where secular women's organizations face significant constraints and difficulties while networking and lobbying the government. Under these constrained conditions, yet, secular women's organizations make an exceptional effort to sustaining their lobbying activities and changing their networking strategies as well as partners. Relying on the related literature and 26 semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted with activist members of these organizations with about a 15-year time difference, this paper contends that Turkish women's organizations under theNew Turkeyare forced to find alternative allies and adjust their velvet triangles of support. Though their strategies were similar in some ways, the type of partnerships formed and who these partners are changed from the first and second decade of the 2000s. Thus, the paper shows how the secular women's organizations adapt to new resources as they mobilize and how they shift away from employing the single target approach to double while changing their initial networking and collaboration partners.