Research Outputs

Now showing 1 - 4 of 4

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An economic limitation to the zone of democratic peace and cooperation
(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2002) N/A; Department of International Relations; Mousseau, Michael; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/A
The zone of democratic peace and cooperation is the premier nontrivial fact of international relations. Recent research, however, has shown that the democratic peace is substantially limited to the economically developed democracies (Mousseau, 2000). Is the zone of democratic cooperation also limited to the economically developed democracies? With the observation of most nations from 1919 to 1992, robust support is found for this hypothesis. It appears that economically developed democracies are more than eight times more likely than other states to engage each other in an intense form of interstate cooperation: collaboration in militarized conflict. Democracies with per capita incomes of less than $8,050, in contrast-77 percent of all joint democratic dyads-appear less likely than other types of states to collaborate with each other in militarized conflict. This result is consistent with the view that liberal political culture arises from economic development, and it is liberal political culture that explains the global zone of democracy, peace, prosperity, and interstate cooperation.
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Globalization, civil society and citizenship in Turkey: actors, boundaries and discourses
(Taylor and Francis, 2003) Department of International Relations; Department of International Relations; Keyman, Emin Fuat; İçduygu, Ahmet; Faculty Member; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 45389; 207882
In recent years, civil society has become one of the most important concerns of academic and public discourse. It would not be a mistake to propose that today there is a strong, effective and even over-glorified talk about and a global agenda for civil society and its role in the process of creating a better and humane world. In this talk and agenda the main intention is to reinvigorate and strengthen civil society politically, organizationally and normatively as a counter- hegemonic and resistance movement against the state-centric world. This paper argues that Turkey does not constitute an exception in this context. Rather, it provides an illuminating case-study in which the crisis of the state-centric modernity has given rise to the elevation of civil society to the status of being an exteremely important actor and arena for the democratization of the state-society relations. However, on the basis of the three-year-long research (1999-2002) we have done on 'the impacts of globalization on Turkey', the paper also argues that the role of civil society in the process of democratization should be considered a necessary but not a sufficient condition, insofar as it contains both democratic and essentialist discourses about citizenship and identity. In order to substantiale these arguments, the paper will first outline the internal and external factors that have paved the way to the emergence and the increasing importance of civil society in Turkey, and then will shift its attention to the question of 'the use and the abuse of civil society'. In seeking a proper answer to this question, the paper will focus on the discourses and strategies of different civil society organizations about state, society, citizenship and identity in Turkey.
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IMF: international migration fund
(Taylor & Francis, 2023) Shehaj, Albana; Shin, Adrian J. J.; Department of International Relations; Angın, Merih; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 308500
Existing models of international organizations focus on the strategic and commercial interests of major shareholders to explain why some countries secure better deals from international organizations. Focusing on the International Monetary Fund (IMF), we argue that the Fund's major shareholders pressure the IMF to minimize short-term adjustment costs in the borrowing country when they host a large number of the country's nationals. Stringent loan packages often exacerbate short-term economic distress in the borrowing country, which in turn causes more people to migrate to countries where their co-ethnics reside. Analyzing all IMF programs from 1978 to 2014, we assess our hypothesis that IMF borrowers with larger diasporas in the major IMF shareholder countries tend to secure better arrangements from the IMF. Our findings show that when migration pressures on the G5 countries increase, borrowing countries receive larger loan disbursements and fewer conditions.Los modelos existentes de organizaciones internacionales se centran en los intereses estrategicos y comerciales de los principales accionistas para explicar por que algunos paises obtienen mejores tratos por parte de las organizaciones internacionales. Centrandonos en el Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI), argumentamos que los principales accionistas del Fondo presionan al FMI para que minimice los costes de ajuste a corto plazo en el pais prestatario cuando acogen a un gran numero de ciudadanos de ese pais. Los severos paquetes de prestamos suelen exacerbar las dificultades economicas a corto plazo en el pais prestatario, lo que a su vez provoca que mas personas emigren a paises donde residen otros de sus compatriotas. Analizando todos los programas del FMI desde 1978 hasta 2014, evaluamos nuestra hipotesis de que los prestatarios del FMI con mayores diasporas en los principales paises accionistas del FMI tienden a obtener mejores acuerdos por parte del FMI. Nuestras conclusiones muestran que cuando aumentan las presiones migratorias en los paises del G5, los paises prestatarios reciben mayores desembolsos de prestamos y con menos condiciones.Les modeles actuels d'organisations internationales se focalisent sur les interets strategiques et commerciaux des actionnaires majoritaires pour expliquer pourquoi certains pays obtiennent de meilleurs accords aupres des organisations internationales. En nous concentrant sur le Fonds monetaire international (FMI), nous affirmons que ses actionnaires majoritaires appliquent une certaine pression pour reduire les couts d'ajustement a court terme du pays emprunteur, quand un grand nombre de ressortissants de ce pays vit chez eux. Les prets aux conditions strictes aggravent souvent la detresse economique a court terme dans le pays emprunteur. Cette situation renforce ensuite frequemment l'immigration vers les pays ou des compatriotes resident. Apres l'analyse de tous les programmes du FMI de 1978 a 2014, nous evaluons notre hypothese : quand les emprunteurs disposent d'une diaspora plus importante dans les pays actionnaires majoritaires du fonds, ils obtiennent de meilleurs accords aupres du FMI. Nos resultats montrent que lorsque la pression migratoire sur les pays du G5 s'accroit, les pays emprunteurs recoivent des versements de pret plus importants et sont soumis a moins de conditions.
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Reflections from the conference "Turkey debates its social policies": a rights-based turn in social policy making in Turkey?
(Cambridge University Press, 2012) Alnıaçık, Ayşe; Department of International Relations; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 238439
N/A

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