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Publication Metadata only [Our] age of anxiety: existentialism and the current state of international relations(Palgrave Macmillan Ltd, 2021) Department of International Relations; Rumelili, Bahar; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 51356This article is based on the keynote address I delivered in June 2019 at the Central and Eastern European international Studies association (CEEISa) conference in Belgrade. Drawing on existentialist thought, I first discuss the distinction between anxiety and fear and the relevance of this distinction for International relation (IR) theory. then, building on the Heideggerian notion of mood and its recent applications to IR by Erik Ringmar (2017, 2018), I argue that anxiety impacts International relation as a public mood-'a collective way of being attuned to the world'. Connecting existentialist thought on anxiety with contemporary IR and Political science research on securitisation and populism, I discuss how, in periods and contexts where we are collectively attuned to the world in anxiety, the resonance of securitisation and the appeal of nativist and populist doctrines that offer ideological and moral certainty are enhanced.Publication Metadata only Coming to terms with the capitalist peace(Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2010) N/A; Department of International Relations; Mousseau, Michael; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/AN/APublication Metadata only Democratization in conflict research: how conceptualization affects operationalization and testing outcomes(Routledge Journals, Taylor and Francis Ltd, 2017) Bernhard, Michael; Orsun, Omer Faruk; Department of International Relations; Bayer, Reşat; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 51395Using the debate over democratization and conflict, we demonstrate how the connection between conceptualization and operationalization can play a decisive role in testing falsifiable hypotheses. We discuss seven different operationalizations of regime change based on three different conceptualizations of democracy. Although we find high correlations between different measures of democracy, when they are used to capture regime change, the correlations drop precipitously. In multivariate estimations of the effect of regime change on a range of conflict variables, we generate widely disparate results, providing no consistent support that democratization affects conflict. We thus demonstrate that decisions about conceptualization and subsequent operationalization have decisive impact on the inference we produce. In contrast, our controls for the effect of institutionalized democracy consistently show a negative relationship between joint democracy and conflict. Finally, autocratic regime change seems to be more robustly correlated with a range of conflict behaviors than heretofore recognized in this literature.Publication Metadata only Foxes guarding the foxes? the peer review of human rights judgments by the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe(Oxford Univ Press, 2014) Koch, Anne; Çalı, Başak; Faculty Member; Law School; N/AThis article investigates the reliability of the peer review of human rights judgments by the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe. It argues that, even if composed of politically motivated actors, the Committee is not to be dismissed too cursorily as a deficient and unreliable system of compliance monitoring. Evidence shows that formal and informal institutional constraints, in particular the presence of a strong Secretariat, constrain the propensity to bargain amongst Council of Europe diplomats acting as peers when monitoring the implementation of judgments of the European Court of Human Rights. Our finding runs contrary to the proposition that Europe constitutes a special case of cultural convergence around respect for international human rights law. The article further argues that hybrid models of compliance monitoring which combine political as well as judicial and technocratic elements may be more effective in facilitating human rights compliance than direct international court orders or expert recommendations.Publication Metadata only Political-ideological constraints on intra-basin cooperation on transboundary waters(Elsevier, 1997) Kut, Gün; N/A; Turan, İlter; Faculty Member; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/AThis article offers a different perspective to the well known problems of water scarcity in the Middle East. It is argued that there are strong linkages between prevailing national ideologies and intra-regional water disputes. Domestic political necessities and commitments often limit foreign policy choices open to countries with regard to the settlement of water disputes. This tends to exacerbate existing conflict. Reasons given include ideologically intertwined issues related to national security, including food security and national independence in conjunction with a deep socio-cultural commitment to a prospering agricultural sector. Any proposed solution to Middle East water disputes needs to take ideological-political factors into account in addition to the physical, social, cultural and economic aspects.Publication Metadata only Politicization, ratification of international agreements, and domestic political competition in non-democracies: the case of Iran and the Paris Climate Accords(International Relations Council of Turkey, 2024) Department of International Relations; Bayer, Reşat; Tafazzoli, Bijan; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; Graduate School of Social Sciences and EconomicsWhile some degree of competition is present in many authoritarian regimes, the implications of such controlled competition on international issues have not received much consideration, including towards international environmental accords. We attempt to rectify this through a framework where we focus on internal political competition in a hybrid, nondemocratic system where national elections are held regularly. Specifically, we argue that the presence of multiple actors competing in elections in nondemocratic settings results in them assuming positions on various issues, justifying their positions, and attempting to mobilize their supporters with considerable implications for international environmental policies. We display our argument in the context of Iranian debates on the ratification of the Paris Climate Accords. Our findings demonstrate that the competing Iranian sides rely on different justifications for their environmental positions, resulting in extensive (negative) competitions of rhetoric where the international dimension emerges as an important feature in the internal competition. Overall, we show that political competition within non-democracies is likely to add to the complexity of international (environmental) negotiations and cooperation. © 2024, INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. All rights reserved.Publication Metadata only Round up the unusual suspects: US policy toward Algeria and its Islamists(Middle East Policy Council, 2001) Department of International Relations; Dillman, Bradford L.; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/AN/APublication Metadata only The dynamics of emerging middle-power influence in regional and global governance: the paradoxical case of Turkey(Taylor & Francis, 2017) Kutlay, Mustafa; Department of International Relations; Öniş, Ziya; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 7715This article attempts to understand the properties, potentials and limits of middle-power activism in a changing global order. Extensive debate on the rise of emerging powers notwithstanding, the potential contributions of emerging middle powers in regional and global governance, and the imminent challenges they face in their struggle for an upgraded status in the hierarchy of world politics, is an understudied issue. This study aims to fill this gap by offering a broad conceptual framework for middle-power activism and testing it with reference to the Turkish case. In this context, the authors aim to address the following questions: What kind of roles can emerging middle powers play in a post-hegemonic international system? What are the dynamics, properties and limitations of emerging middle-power activism in regional and global governance? Based on an extensive study of the Turkish case, the authors' central thesis is that emerging middle powers can make important contributions to regional and global governance. Their ultimate impact, however, is not inevitable, but depends on a complementary set of conditions, which are outlined in this study.Publication Open Access The new age of hybridity and clash of norms: China, BRICS, and challenges of global governance in a postliberal ınternational order(Sage, 2020) Kutlay, Mustafa; Department of International Relations; Öniş, Ziya; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 7715This article sketches an analytical framework to account for new patterns of global governance. We characterize the emergent postliberal international order as a new age of hybridity, which signifies that no overriding set of paradigms dominate global governance. Instead, we have a complex web of competing norms, which creates new opportunities as well as major elements of instability, uncertainty, and anxiety. In the age of hybridity, non-Western great powers (led by China) play an increasingly counter-hegemonic role in shaping new style multilateralism-ontologically fragmented, normatively inconsistent, and institutionally incoherent. We argue that democracy paradox constitutes the fundamental issue at stake in this new age of hybridity. On the one hand, global power transitions seem to enable "democratization of globalization" by opening more space to the hitherto excluded non-Western states to make their voices heard. On the other hand, emerging pluralism in global governance is accompanied by the regression of liberal democracy and spread of illiberalism that enfeeble "globalization of democratization."