The politics around safe zones: a comparative perspective on return to Northern Syria

dc.contributor.authorid0000-0003-3345-970X
dc.contributor.authorid0000-0002-8145-5888
dc.contributor.departmentN/A
dc.contributor.departmentDepartment of International Relations
dc.contributor.kuauthorDemiryontar, Birce
dc.contributor.kuauthorİçduygu, Ahmet
dc.contributor.kuprofileOther
dc.contributor.kuprofileFaculty Member
dc.contributor.researchcenterMIReKoç (Migration Research Program at Koç University)
dc.contributor.schoolcollegeinstituteN/A
dc.contributor.schoolcollegeinstituteCollege of Administrative Sciences and Economics
dc.contributor.yokidN/A
dc.contributor.yokid207882
dc.date.accessioned2025-01-19T10:30:14Z
dc.date.issued2023
dc.description.abstractSafe zones, initially established as practical tools for refugee protection, have evolved into diplomatic instruments. Through the case of Northern Syria in a historical-comparative perspective, this article explains the link between border politics and host state-induced return to the safe zones; and questions the viability of return within this politicised environment. Considering the earlier experiences of six cases in Sri Lanka, Iraq, Somalia, Bosnia, Rwanda, and Afghanistan, it shows how safe zones and refugee return have become venues for power struggles, not only between the origin and host states but also amongst regional and global powers; established with respect to their economic, political and strategic interests. The Northern Syrian case is distinguished by Turkey's pressure for returns during the conflict, which makes conditions for return dependent on Turkish military presence. Without international support or a UNSC decision, Turkey's self-proclaimed safe zone lacks international legitimacy, and refugee returns remain dependent on unilateral efforts by the Turkish government. Lack of security, rule of law, access to basic services, reconstruction, and overall prospects undermine the feasibility of safe, voluntary and sustainable returns. And as all actors involved place their military objectives above civilian governance, conditions for security in the safe zone remain precarious.
dc.description.indexedbyWoS
dc.description.indexedbyScopus
dc.description.issue8
dc.description.publisherscopeInternational
dc.description.sponsorsThis study was conducted through internal funding from Migration Research Center at Koc University (MiReKoc). The authors would like to thank the interview correspondents including ambassadors to Turkey of the EU member states, the ambassador of the EU to Turkey, and key government officials from Turkey.
dc.description.volume44
dc.identifier.doi10.1080/01436597.2023.2198696
dc.identifier.eissn1360-2241
dc.identifier.issn0143-6597
dc.identifier.quartileQ2
dc.identifier.scopus2-s2.0-85152699010
dc.identifier.urihttps://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2198696
dc.identifier.urihttps://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14288/26019
dc.identifier.wos973201700001
dc.keywordsSafe zone
dc.keywordsNorthern Syria
dc.keywordsRefugee repatriation
dc.keywordsReturn migration
dc.keywordsBorder politics
dc.keywordsTurkey
dc.languageen
dc.publisherRoutledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd
dc.relation.grantnoMigration Research Center at Koc University (MiReKoc)
dc.sourceThird World Quarterly
dc.subjectDevelopment Studies
dc.titleThe politics around safe zones: a comparative perspective on return to Northern Syria
dc.typeJournal Article

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