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Publication Metadata only ‘Culture’ in EU–Turkey relations(Taylor and Francis, 2016) Department of International Relations; N/A; Rumelili, Bahar; İşler, Didem Çakmaklı; Faculty Member; PhD Student; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; Graduate School of Social Sciences and Humanities; 51356; 260783Contemporary socio-political and economic situations in the countries of SEE greatly influence their mutual relationships which are already bearing heavy loads from the past as well as distinct visions of the future. Politicians are forced to change their own priorities, sometimes even decisions, to fit the daily demands of their coalition partners or the expectations of public opinion which are often influenced by populist officials and media. The government and majority representatives condemning crimes committed in Srebrenica approved the decision of the European Parliament. Yugoslav cultural diplomacy was tuned equally toward West and East and also toward countries of the third world. All Balkan countries are open to global cultural flows but, paradoxically, their institutional systems are still closed towards the products of mass culture of neighbouring countries, particularly in the case of ethno-pop or folk music. International dimensions of national cultural policies of the Balkans primarily focus on transferring knowledge, improving the national image and increasing national influence.Publication Metadata only ‘Culture’ in EU–Turkey relations(Ashgate Publishing Ltd, 2011) Department of International Relations; Rumelili, Bahar; İşler, Didem Çakmaklı; Faculty Member; PhD Student; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; Graduate School of Social Sciences and Humanities; 51356; 260783Contemporary socio-political and economic situations in the countries of SEE greatly influence their mutual relationships which are already bearing heavy loads from the past as well as distinct visions of the future. Politicians are forced to change their own priorities, sometimes even decisions, to fit the daily demands of their coalition partners or the expectations of public opinion which are often influenced by populist officials and media. The government and majority representatives condemning crimes committed in Srebrenica approved the decision of the European Parliament. Yugoslav cultural diplomacy was tuned equally toward West and East and also toward countries of the third world. All Balkan countries are open to global cultural flows but, paradoxically, their institutional systems are still closed towards the products of mass culture of neighbouring countries, particularly in the case of ethno-pop or folk music. International dimensions of national cultural policies of the Balkans primarily focus on transferring knowledge, improving the national image and increasing national influence.Publication Metadata only [Our] age of anxiety: existentialism and the current state of international relations(Palgrave Macmillan Ltd, 2021) Department of International Relations; Rumelili, Bahar; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 51356This article is based on the keynote address I delivered in June 2019 at the Central and Eastern European international Studies association (CEEISa) conference in Belgrade. Drawing on existentialist thought, I first discuss the distinction between anxiety and fear and the relevance of this distinction for International relation (IR) theory. then, building on the Heideggerian notion of mood and its recent applications to IR by Erik Ringmar (2017, 2018), I argue that anxiety impacts International relation as a public mood-'a collective way of being attuned to the world'. Connecting existentialist thought on anxiety with contemporary IR and Political science research on securitisation and populism, I discuss how, in periods and contexts where we are collectively attuned to the world in anxiety, the resonance of securitisation and the appeal of nativist and populist doctrines that offer ideological and moral certainty are enhanced.Publication Metadata only A new paradigm on the identity-security nexus in international relations: ontological security theory(Uluslararasi Iliskiler Konseyi Dernegi, 2020) Adısönmez, Umut Can; Department of International Relations; Rumelili, Bahar; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 51356Recently, Ontological Security Theory (OST) has found itself a significant place in the International Relations (IR) literature. The theory has provided scholars with a novel analytical framework to explain state behavior and to understand the socio-psychological dynamics underlying the production of a state's self-image and self-narratives. Particularly, the OST has unsettled disciplinary assumptions regarding the primacy of physical security, and offered a framework to analyze the dialectical relationship between state and society in the making, (re)making and protecting of the state's subjective sense of self. The primary aim of this article is to introduce the main arguments and research areas to Turkey's IR community. Additionally, the drawbacks that emanate from the OST's insufficient engagement with critical approaches to security and the extant literature on identity in IR are assessed. / Geçtiğimiz yıllarda Ontolojik Güvenlik Teorisi (Ontological Security Theory – OGT) Uluslararası İlişkiler (Uİ) disiplininde kendine önemli bir yer edindi. Teori, devlet davranışlarını devletin öz-anlatıları üzerinden anlamlandırırken, bu öz-anlatıların yeniden üretilmesinin altında yatan sosyo-psikolojik dinamikleri de ortaya koydu. Özellikle, fiziksel güvenliğin öncüllüğünü tartışmaya açarak ve öz-anlatılar yoluyla devlet kimliğinin oluşması ve korunması süreçlerinde devlet-toplum arasındaki diyalektik ilişkiyi ortaya koyarak önemli katkıları oldu. Bu makalenin birincil amacı OGT’nin ana argümanlarını ve araştırma konularını Türkiye Uİ camiasına tanıtmaktır. Aynı zamanda OGT’nin mevcut eleştirel güvenlik kavramları ve kimlik yazını ile bağlantısının yetersizliğinden kaynaklanan eksiklikleri değerlendirilmektedir.Publication Metadata only A personal ethics responsibility example: the relationship between child development and drugs taken by pregnant mother(TÜBİTAK, 2008) Üstün, Çağatay; Department of International Relations; Özgürler, Özge; Undergraduate Student; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/AKişisel sorumluluk önemli bir etik kavramdır. Bu durumda hamile anne birincil derecede önem arz etmektedir. Hamile anne kendisinin ve bebeğin sağlığının korumak, bebeğin normal gelişimini temin etmek için bazı şeylere dikkat etmelidir. Bu anlamda ilaçların hamile annenin bebeği üzerindeki genel etkilerine değineceğiz. Böylece annelerin kişisel etik sorumluluğunu vurgulamayı hedefliyoruz.Publication Metadata only A precarious relationship: the Alevi minority, the Turkish state and the EU(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2011) Bilgili, Nazli Cagin; Department of International Relations; Çarkoğlu, Ali; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 125588Over the last decade, the political significance of the Alevis, the largest sectarian Muslim minority in Turkey, has notably changed. This article aims to evaluate the Alevi community's changing stance as a sectarian minority within an increasingly conservative Turkish society facing European Union (EU) membership negotiations. We first of all summarise the characteristics of the Alevi community and contextualise the changing role of the Alevi minority in Turkish politics. We focus on Alevi demands as part of the EU adjustment reforms and negotiation process, and present the official responses from the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government as well as the EU authorities.Publication Metadata only A RoBERTa approach for automated processing of sustainability reports(Mdpi, 2022) Tasdemir, Beyza; Yilmaz, Cenk Arda; Demiralp, Goekcan; Atay, Mert; Angin, Pelin; Dikmener, Gokhan; Department of International Relations; Angın, Merih; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 308500There is a strong need and demand from the United Nations, public institutions, and the private sector for classifying government publications, policy briefs, academic literature, and corporate social responsibility reports according to their relevance to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It is well understood that the SDGs play a major role in the strategic objectives of various entities. However, linking projects and activities to the SDGs has not always been straightforward or possible with existing methodologies. Natural language processing (NLP) techniques offer a new avenue to identify linkages for SDGs from text data. This research examines various machine learning approaches optimized for NLP-based text classification tasks for their success in classifying reports according to their relevance to the SDGs. Extensive experiments have been performed with the recently released Open Source SDG (OSDG) Community Dataset, which contains texts with their related SDG label as validated by community volunteers. Results demonstrate that especially fine-tuned RoBERTa achieves very high performance in the attempted task, which is promising for automated processing of large collections of sustainability reports for detection of relevance to SDGs.Publication Metadata only A southern multinational and an emerging European state in an entry bargaining process(Palgrave Macmillan, 2010) Department of International Relations; Bakır, Caner; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; 108141Publication Metadata only A tale of ambiguity: citizenship, nationalism and democracy in Turkey(Wiley-Blackwell, 2011) Keyman, Emin Fuat; Department of International Relations; Kancı, Tuba; Researcher; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/AWe argue that historically the official Turkish nationalism and citizenship regime have been marked by an ambiguity that arises from the simultaneous existence of - and repeatedly occurring swings between - the ethno-centric and civic-political understandings of citizenship. We also suggest that the concept of territoriality, which took precedence over other factors in the creation of a new state in 1923, has functioned as a hegemonic reference in the official conceptualisations of the Turkish nation and self. The territorial focus, over time, has been conflated with the ethnic conceptualisations of the nation: both become the underlining elements of the discourse of official nationalism in Turkey, and are utilised in the successive reformulations of citizenship into the 2000s. Through the analysis of schoolbooks and curricula, we further argue that the major oscillations in nationalism nevertheless coincided with the ruptures that characterised the making of modern Turkey: modernisation, democratisation, globalisation and Europeanisation.Publication Metadata only A test for reverse causality in the democratic peace relationship(Sage, 1999) Shi, Yuhang; Department of International Relations; Mousseau, Michael; Faculty Member; Department of International Relations; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics; N/ASeveral studies have suggested the possibility of reverse causation in the 'democratic peace' relationship: that the well-known extreme rarity of wars between democratic nations may be partially or wholly explained by a negative impact of war on democracy. Three kinds of war-on-regime effects are discussed. Anterior effects are regime changes that occur in preparation for wars; concurrent effects are those that occur during the course of a war; and posterior effects are regime changes that occur after a war concludes. Because studies have shown that democratic nations are rarely, if ever, on opposite sides in wars at their start, it is argued that reversed causation may affect the presence of causation from democracy to peace only if nations tend to become more autocratic as they prepare for impending wars. This proposition is examined with the observation of war events involving geographic neighbors or major powers, worldwide, from 1816 to 1992. With interrupted time-series analysis, it is found that nations are about as likely to become more institutionally autocratic as they are to become more democratic in the periods before the onset of wars. Moreover, this pattern holds even for the smaller subset of nations estimated to be democratic in the periods before major wars. These results indicate that studies of regime type and war participation have not been underspecified due to possible reverse causation before the onset of wars, and thus support the notion that the direction of causation in the democracy and war relationship is unidirectional from democracy to peace.